Thursday, April 25, 2024
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Cultural chauvinism and Gender in North East India

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By Phrangsngi Pyrtuh

The unrest in Nagaland on women’s reservation to the Urban Local bodies (ULBs) has grabbed major headlines beginning February 2017. It was on December 21st, 2016 that elections for 32 ULBs were notified by the state government, after the Supreme Court on April 20, 2016 upheld the single-judge ruling of the Guwahati High Court of October 2011 on women’s reservation to Nagaland’s civic bodies. On January 31st, the state government decided to conduct polls in 12 of the 32 municipal bodies. Immediately all hell broke loose.

North East India is known as a troubled region where violence, killings etc are almost everyday occurrences. The protest however, the scale of which is unprecedented relative to the issue at hand caught the administration completely by surprise. Surely it could be sorted out through talks and negotiations. The violent protest display a sense of cultural chauvinism towards members of the same culture.

Naga women’s group led by Naga Mothers Association has been spearheading the demand for reservation at the local level. Reservation is a sensible demand in a state that is yet to elect a single woman to the legislative assembly. Rano Shaiza was the only exemption when she was elected to the Parliament in 1977.  In 2006, the Nagaland legislature cleared a Bill providing for 33% reservation in civic bodies. The opposition to the reservation owed its origin to this bill. The Naga Hoho (umbrella organization of 18 tribes) and the Joint Coordination Committee of tribals (JCC) opposed reservation by invoking Article 371(A) of the constitution which protects the customary laws and practices of the Naga people.

Proponents of reservation argued that urban bodies and municipalities are modern institutions of governance and have nothing to do with culture or tradition. The opposition camp retorted by arguing that reservation for women in electoral politics goes against Naga customary laws and practices. Following the notification in early December 2016, the opposition camp has transformed the issue into a life and death situation resulting in violence and mayhem.

The struggle of Naga women for reservation of seats in ULBs is a struggle that resonates across the region.  And the opposition to women’s reservation in Nagaland in the name of culture is the same throughout the region. It is ironic that a culture that accords respect and tolerance to the fairer sex also marginalizes them. The hostility to women taking leadership position is so acute that education and modern institutions which have progressed extensively are yet to rectify the gender anomalies.

The North East region is home to a matrilineal culture practiced by the tribes of Meghalaya. Are the women from this state faring better than their female counter parts elsewhere? In certain aspects they enjoy privileges which are absent in other cultures. On the other hand their participation in the traditional Dorbar affairs which is the highest decision making body at the local level is forbidden and continues to this day. Predictably custom is invoked to stifle demand for women’s participation to the Dorbar. Opposition to bring changes in the Dorbar was never violent but nevertheless intense. It was evident during the Village Administration Bill (VAB) debate of 2015.  The demand for women reservation at the Dorbar or municipalities is yet to make any headway at all.

The women folk of Nagaland led by various women’s groups must be appreciated for their sustained effort to mobilize and campaign women’s reservation. Similar kind of mobilization is absent in Meghalaya. No social groups from Meghalaya have made a strong case for women’s reservation at least not for 33% quota at the local level. None of the political parties have incorporated women’s reservation issue as a political agenda.

Constitutional provisions safeguarding tribal culture and practices are an antithesis. The narrative that women folks from the tribes of North East (protected by special constitutional provision) have it better is never challenged at least by mainstream academicians and policy-makers. A culture which restricts the modern women from her rights to take decisions (such as right to inheritance) is a culture that needs serious introspection and examination. And there are many such cultures in the region famed for its culture where women are treated with dignity and respect.

Women reservation in this country requires an unprecedented political will which is absolutely lacking at the moment. Opposition to women’s reservation pervades the political terrain of India. Inadequate political participation of Indian women is a concern as this country boasts of being the largest active democracy in the world. The Women’s Reservation Bill passed in 2010 by the Rajya Sabha has remained in the backburner since then.  States have initiated women’s reservation in conformity with the 73rd amendment but it is yet to transform or empower their lives.

 The violence in Nagaland may portend ominous signs of what is to come. As the demand for reservation becomes shriller so will the violence, if the violent episode in Nagaland is anything to go by. What scares me is the possibility that violent protests such as the one that exploded in Nagaland become justified in the name of protecting tribal culture. Onlookers from outside the region may be amused, surprised and/or indifferent to what is slowly becoming a long drawn battle between culture, modernity and women’s empowerment. As governments remain mute spectators, the cost of this battle will only scar the region. For the time being there is unlikely to be any winner.

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