By Dr Omarlin Kyndiah
Since the State of Meghalaya will be going to the polls on the Feb 27 to elect representatives to the Meghalaya Legislative Assembly for a five-year term, let us remember that elections serve two main functions in representative democracies: they allow voters to select the politicians that best represent their preferences and to punish incumbents that misbehave and are corrupt. Because corruption is ‘the misuse of entrusted public power or function for private benefit.’
Benigno Aquino III President of the Philippines once said, “When no one is corrupt, no one will be poor”. This is no mere slogan – it is the defining principle that will serve as the foundation of our administration.
Corruption has been identified as “the topic most frequently discussed by the public” ahead of poverty and unemployment. Corruption has long blighted human affairs. Its definitions range from moral/religious to economic, political, and legal. Its effects are wide-ranging: corruption has been found to distort human judgment, warp the organizational cultures of business and government institutions, undermine economic and political development, increase poverty, compromise human rights, corrode the integrity of economic and political systems, cause extreme inequalities, destroy public confidence in government and markets.
Most people are familiar with the term “corruption” and have a general idea of what it means. People often associate the term with greed, dishonesty, secrecy, and crime, all of which are examples of unethical behaviour. They also rightly associate the term with concrete acts, such as bribery by businessmen and grand theft of public funds by politicians. Few people, however, advance beyond that point in their understanding of corruption, since corruption can go beyond bribery to include nepotism, neglect of duty, and favouritism. Corruption, therefore, ranges in its manifestations from bribery and fraud to socio-political transformations of the greatest magnitude. Interestingly, United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) does not define corruption as such. It rather defines specific acts of corruption and urges States parties to criminalize these acts in their jurisdictions. This decision is in part the outcome of the difficulty of defining corruption. It also derives from the fact that corruption ranges from a single instance of bribery of a low-ranking official to the transformation of a democracy into a kleptocracy i.e. government by corrupt leaders who exploit people and natural resources in order to extend their personal wealth and political power.
The effects of corruption are wide-ranging. Some of these effects are economic loss, poverty and inequality, personal loss, public and private sector dysfunctionality, failures in infrastructure, rigged economic and political systems, human rights violations, public frustration, and cynicism.
People lose trust in leaders, in social systems (public institutions), and sometimes even in society and ethics itself when they sense that corruption is widespread and corrupt actors are not being held accountable. Corruption as a human act, done by a morally responsible individual carries with it moral guilt because it goes contrary to established moral standards accepted generally or by a particular society. The question of corruption then assumes a status of philosophical importance, first because it proceeds from the metaphysical nature of man as a being imbued with rationality and freedom. In other words, it proceeds from man as a moral agent. Corruption, because of its social effects, hits at the very foundation of the human being seen as a ‘homo socialis’ – a social being. It threatens the very life of man in society.
Since corruption works against the common good, any act of corruption is a war against society and consequently a war against man and the metaphysical fabric of his existence.
Given the magnitude and pernicious nature of corruption affecting every aspect of society and economy, the Indian National Congress has been making concerted efforts to reduce corruption. A serious attempt at this was made in 1963 when the then-Jawaharlal Nehru government set up the Santhanam Committee. A notable outcome of this Committee was the setting up of the Central Vigilance Commission as an apex anti-corruption body. In addition, the government established the Comptroller and Auditor General of India in 1971 to audit key institutions’ public finances and prevent incidences of corrupt practices.
This apart, offices of Lokayukta or civil commissioners were set up at the state level to tackle corrupt practices. The first office of Lokayukta was set up in 1966. Following this, a number of Indian states have set up their own Lokayuktas.
In response to the 2011 anti-corruption stir by Anna Hazare who demanded to have a Lokpal or Ombudsman, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government passed the Lokpal Bill in 2013.
Yet, what has done more to the anti-corruption crusade is the enactment of the landmark Right to Information (RTI) legislation on 15th June 2005 by Dr. Manmohan Singh’s government. The right to access to information is an essential human right, necessary for the enjoyment of other human rights. From then onwards, Citizens of the country have been effectively using the Act to tackle corruption and also to make a transparent and accountable government.
In an interview with media persons after filing his nomination former MLA and Congress candidate from Mylliem, Ronnie V Lyngdoh termed the MDA as a government of scams and irregularities. “Corruption is everywhere, be it in coal, Saubhagya, rice scam or Covid scam. Talk about any scam and the MDA has a hand in it,” Lyngdoh said.
Hence our foremost duty this year’s election is to vote responsibly because we as voters play a central role in shaping the government and its very functions. For corruption-free government and transparent governance, the corrupt incumbents should be rejected. Meghalaya requires comprehensive structural reforms involving political and radical reform of justice apart from making institutional innovations like Lokpal and RTI to attack corruption from its roots. We feel that we have the right and obligation to do so because the citizens wish for a corruption-free state.
The government that comes to power after March 2, 2023, needs to put on priority to set up solid governance frameworks to prevent corruption by enacting laws that would be a mother of the Right to Information (RTI) Act. The laws will successfully prevent corrupt behaviour at all levels of government. Safeguards and integrity frameworks have to be put in place. Risk areas of corruption such as public procurement have to be especially scrutinised, in particular large-scale infrastructure projects or major sports or cultural events.
(The writer teaches in St Edmund’s College and can be reached at [email protected])