By Anirudh Prakash

For anyone other than the Nehru-Gandhis to win and command the respect and admiration of the Congress party members is an impossible thing. Even Pranab Mukherjee, the man for all crises, was disliked intensely by a large section of the party workers and activists. The attitude of the party towards prime minister Manmohan Singh is quite different. No one ever saw him as part of the Congress family. He remained an outsider, a useful techno-bureaucrat who is needed to find solutions to policy challenges. But he has never been considered a pillar of the party, something that P. Chidambaram, Digvijay Singh, A.K. Antony enjoy. Singh has turned the status of a political cipher into an advantage. He has fought the political battle for his space in the party not on the basis of secularism, socialism and all those favoured and jaded Congress shibboleths, but on technical, economic issues.

In 2008, he turned the India-US civil nuclear deal as the battle-point. Seasoned politicians and political aficionados laughed at his naivete. But Singh turned it into a successful political issue in the 2009 Lok Sabha election. There were no immediate economic benefits to be had from the prospect of nuclear power. It will be 20- years before generation of electricity through nuclear power will become a critical factor in the Indian energy scenario.

It seems that Singh is set to do the trick again. He is on the verge of turning FDI into multi-brand retail into a political issue despite the fact that FDI in multi-brand retail will have no instant impact. Congressmen and Congresswomen are used to the mystical charisma factor of the First Family, but they do not understand the phenomenon of politics being played on the basis of development and performance which has nothing to do with welfare measures. Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit has shown that performance matters, but then, Delhi is much too small a political theatre. Manmohan Singh is staking his claims of performance and development and of taking the economy forward on the national stage.

Singh is doing something better than P. V. Narasimha Rao. He has kept away from party feud, while Rao engaged in it with the relish of a grassroots politician, and in the end he was politically destroyed by his rivals and opponents in the party. He is playing the outsider to the hilt. It has been said time and again, both by party insiders and party watchers that the unforgivable political crime that Rao committed was the attempt to destroy the Nehru-Gandhi roots in the party. There is as yet no hard evidence to show that this was so, except through hearsay.

It seems that Singh is showing the Congress without challenging the authority of the Nehru-Gandhis that what a party needs is hard thinking on policy issues and its implementation. And that he is the man for the task. Of course, he faces the risk of failure and the consequent political decapitation.

Singh has been helped greatly by the atavistic NGOs who are arguing against nuclear power as well as FDI in multi-brand retail. The BJP, the main opposition party, has been gunning for Singh in the two major scams — 2G spectrum allocation and coal block allocation — but it had displayed a fatalistic Swadeshi Jagran Manch mind-set in opposing nuclear power and FDI in retail. Faced with the BJP onslaught, the Congress had to rally round Singh and the government.

Without intending to do so, Singh provoked opposition offensive which called for a Congress response and he became the hero of the battle. The BJP took pot shots at Congress president Sonia Gandhi and party general secretary Rahul Gandhi, but their main target is Singh. As a matter of fact, BJP is playing a sly political game suggesting that it is time Rahul Gandhi stepped forward because it would be easier to attack him than Singh.

A young BJP leader suggested that Rahul Gandhi should not just join as a cabinet minister because after 2014, he will just be a former minister. But if he were to become the prime minister, then post-2014 he can enjoy the status of former prime minister. Singh’s critics had always mocked him that he was a better politician than an economist, and their criticism is turning out to be true much to the consternation of the opposition.

Singh, the political warrior, may not emerge a victor in the 2014 electoral battle. But his war cry, “Let us go down fighting” could turn out to be prophetic and even heroic. The Congress has at last found a leader who is capable of leading the party and the government through thick sniper fire and they seem to be grateful for it. Singh’s bravado on policy front is unlikely to negate the general perception that corruption has really eaten into the UPA government as it had the Rao government through 1991-1996.

But Singh can take satisfaction that he has kept the party in power for a decade and that he has done his bit. And unlike in the case of Rao, Singh will enjoy the gratitude of Congress. There are lessons here for other Congress leaders if they mean to lead the party and the country. They must come forward with ideas, look meek and unambitious, press forward with policy issues with fanatical ferocity and not play small games inside the party. Congress has shown that it does not grudge leaders who use brains to push economic doctrines as Singh does. INAV

Child Abuse
By Dr S Saraswathi
Most cruel among the various forms of violation of human rights is the abuse and ill-treatment of children in any society. Children constitute an age category in the populace wherein they are dependent totally on the adult population for their sheer survival and welfare. Abuse of children in any manner is an illustration of a common idiom of fence eating the crop. It is the worst form of breach of trust perpetrated by the adult population, supposedly the guardians of children.

Of many kinds of child abuse and maltreatment, sexual abuse, child marriage, and child labour are certain to destroy the future of any child victim permanently. Several incidences of child abuse are hitting the headlines these days from which we cannot but draw the conclusion that they are common occurrences and part of daily life. There are shocking cases in courts of even biological fathers sexually assaulting their daughters–unthinkable and unacceptable.

More appalling is news about some homes for orphans indulging in sexual abuse of children. Indeed, it is the duty of every citizen to duly draw the attention of authorities to any suspicion of caretakers exploiting the helplessness of their wards. Every adult member of the society, directly or indirectly concerned, has a social responsibility to protect children, particularly the weak.

In fact, in most cases of sexual abuse of girls, the culprit is known to the victim – a close relative, a neighbour, or frequently visiting friend of their father or brother. Child molestation takes place in schools too, the offender being the teacher in most cases who is supposed to be the friend, philosopher and guide of the pupils.

At the same time, it is strange but true that according to a research survey conducted under the auspices of the Ministry of Women and Child Development, in over 50 per cent of cases of child abuse, the victims are boys.

It is, therefore, necessary that children should develop immunity to maltreatment, or develop some effective defence mechanism to protect themselves from attacks. It is strange that we have to tell our children that they are surrounded by exploiters and abusers; that they must be on the guard always; that they should learn to protect themselves — all these, because the world around children is not fully trustworthy or safe.

In this context, the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act 2012 passed by the two Houses of Parliament looks timely to check a growing menace. It is intended to protect children from sexual assault and harassment. This law is gender neutral and intends to cover both girls and boys. It provides stringent punishments for sexual offences against children. The offence is treated as “aggravated” if it is committed by a person in a position of trust or authority with respect to the child like the police or security personnel or public servant.

Those working in religious and educational institutions and hospitals and relatives come under the category of persons of trust and authority. Offences committed by them against any child merits higher punishment under this Act. The definition of sexual offence is also expanded to include not only deeds but words, gestures, and suggestions as well.

Needless to say, but law alone cannot eliminate the offence unless it is effectively implemented with the cooperation of children and adults.

Another area where law is violated without regret by adults in charge of the child is child marriage. It is a form of physical, mental, and psychological violence that decisively puts an end to childhood. Mass child marriages take place in some places and even presided over by some political VIPs. There is strong social opinion and the sanction of custom in those places protected and followed by elders that support child marriage despite legal ban. Child marriage is also linked with trafficking.

Child abuse in the form of child marriage is invariably committed by the guardians of concerned children. We can, therefore, conclude without fear of contradiction that the worst enemies of children who are victims of abuse are their own protectors.

But alas! It is the girl who is punished by society. An instance of double punishment for a girl married in childhood came to light when she was turned out of a school recently. There is every reason to make child marriages a cognizable offence.

However, it is the problem of child labour that dominates any discussion on children’s welfare in India. Child labour is invariably accompanied with violence and exploitation. The evil continues with the connivance of parents/guardians of children and employers thus confirming our contention that the adults are the first enemies of vulnerable children.

Today, the Children’s Rights movement has gone global. There are many international children’s organizations such as Save the Children, Free the Child, and Children’s Defence Fund. A Children’s Rights Information Network (CRIN) has been organized in 1983 which comprises a group of nearly 2000 NGOs around the world. It advocates implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child everywhere.

In many western countries, there are children’s Ombudsmen to protect the rights of the kids. It was first established in Norway in 1981 followed by Sweden, Finland, and Ukraine. In fact, it is even reported that Ukraine has appointed a child to that post.

The possibility that parents themselves may be the tormentors of their children is somewhat unbelievable to Indian parents. There may be cultural differences in child rearing practices in different countries. But, it cannot be denied that the traditional child-adult interaction in India has to change drastically to make children’s rights a reality.

In South Africa, the Children’s Resource Centre has been established for children in the 7-14 age group. Its mission is said to be to help children organize themselves into a children’s movement and help build a better world for children. Several children’s groups are formed and they carry on cultural, health, food security, and media programmes.

The concept of a children’s movement sounds attractive. It is the need of the hour in India, but its feasibility is rather bleak. Initially, we can confidently hope for stronger and wider network of NGOs taking up the cause of children which should start with adult education in child care and protection.

Given the atmosphere of protest and direct action sweeping across the country, we may witness in the near future a movement of children, for children, and by children for their own protection and welfare.—INFA

(The author is a Former Director, ICSSR, New Delhi)