Saturday, August 30, 2025
spot_img
Home Blog

Why indulge in disinformation?

0

Editor,
Carmel Fedrick Malngiang’s response to my article ‘Territorial Army in Meghalaya: Safeguard or Liability’ is intriguing because he created a straw man and then proceeded to attack it—resorting to name-calling in the process. He accused me of being against the idea of a Territorial Army in the state and, therefore, labelled me a ‘traitor’ to the community. But I am not against the idea of a Territorial Army. What I am against is the idea of arming common people and turning them into militias to protect our borders. In my opinion, there is some confusion between what a Territorial Army actually is and what the groups demanding it are actually asking for.
The Territorial Army is a volunteer force under the Indian Army, consisting of part-time soldiers who serve for a couple of months and return to their regular jobs for the rest of the year. However, what these groups appear to be demanding is a permanent force made up of volunteers armed with weapons and ready for action at all times. After all, influx and drug trafficking are year-round phenomena; they do not follow a timetable. So, I’m not convinced that the Territorial Army is exactly what these groups are asking for. Here are a couple of extracts from my article to support this:
“However, there is a lack of clarity about what exactly is meant by the ‘People’s Army’ and how it is similar to the ‘Territorial Army’.”
“What appears to be the confusion is between the concept of a Territorial Army, which is a branch of the Indian Army, and something like the Salwa Judum, which was a militia mobilised and deployed as part of counter-insurgency operations in Chhattisgarh. It appears the groups making the demand mean something like the latter and not the former. If so, then it is a demand fraught with great danger, the most obvious being the militarisation of society.”
Even the Director General of Police (DGP), Idashisha Nongrang, has stated that there is confusion regarding the reported approval of a Territorial Army for Mizoram. She said, “We are examining what exactly is approved for Mizoram. As per reports, the approval for Mizoram has come from the Union Home Minister, but the Territorial Army functions under the Indian Territorial Army Act, which is with the Ministry of Defence.” But it would seem that Carmel has a much clearer idea than the DGP herself—and that’s why he started hyperventilating, calling me a ‘traitor’. By that logic, I wonder if he also believes DGP Idashisha Nongrang is a traitor. Perhaps he can respond to this letter and offer more clarity.
I am all for protecting our borders. But I do not support doing so through an armed militia (which is not the Territorial Army) because it carries many risks, which I’ve discussed at length in my article. What Carmel could have done—instead of going off the rails over a non-issue—is to explain what a Territorial Army actually is, how it works, and why it could be the best solution for the problems of influx and other illegal cross-border activities. Instead, he resorted to immature name-calling.
My proposed solution is not an armed militia (which is not the Territorial Army), but “a regular force, e.g., a special battalion made up of retired soldiers or serving officers from the police, stationed at vulnerable locations at all times. If need be, there should be a recruitment drive, and the people selected should have the same pay and benefits as any regular armed service. This will not only create good local jobs but also ensure that society is not militarized” (extracts from my article).
Hence I request Carmel to please read my article again, and then show readers where exactly I’ve said I’m against the idea of a Territorial Army. Maybe I’ve written something I’m unaware of. If not, will he apologize for calling me a ‘traitor’ just because he misread/misinterpreted what I wrote?
Yours etc.,
Bhogtoram Mawroh,
Via email

Urgent Flyover needed to end flooding

Editor
Though your esteemed daily I would like to draw the attention of both the Governments of Assam and Meghalaya to the perennial problems of flooding faced by commuters from Jorabat to Khanapara and beyond on both sides of the road. This portion of the highway is inundated after heavy rains and the rises up to about 5ft in height and can submerge small vehicles, not to speak of the hazards caused to pedestrians. As a result of such flooding vehicles are stuck in a jam sometimes for 4-5 hours. The flyover constructed on one side caters to the commuters and transporters moving towards upper Assam. But the roads that are submerged are a regular nightmare for the people of Meghalaya as well as those of lower Assam, Mizoram, Tripura etc.
Why can the Government of Assam and Meghalaya urgently take up the issue with NHAI to build a flyover on the flood prone areas which are frequent in nature. The issue should be taken up on a war footing to eradicate this problem that is punishing the tax payers, once and for all.
Yours etc.,
S.L Singhania,
Shillong-1

On brink of garbage burst

Editor,
I chuckled while reading the letter to the editor “Nothing Ever Changes in Meghalaya” by Kyntiewborlang Kharakor (ST August 27,2025) but I also understood the underlying white elephant in the room, or should I say the giant Marten landfill on our doorstep.
Humour has a funny way of softening hard truths, and that earlier letter did just that. Behind the satire and playful tone was a reality we can’t perfume away. Shillong’s garbage crisis is not new, not hidden, and certainly not going anywhere if we continue to treat it as tomorrow’s problem. The stench doesn’t just fog our thinking ability, as the writer quipped, it also fogs governance because administrations keep looking the other way- Out of Sight, Out of Mind! I appreciate the wit with which the issue was raised in the letter. It takes a rare kind of optimism and courage to laugh while writing about waste piling into ladders to heaven, and if citizens can turn frustration into creativity, surely our leaders can turn plans into action.
Ine day while passing by the entrance of MUDA parking, I buckled up my nose to fight the battle with the stench that lay opposite the gate. But lo and behold, the area had been revamped with paint and flowers. As a politician from North India once said, “denting painting.” I was shocked and honestly super appreciative, until I realised the garbage mountain wasn’t gone at all. It had simply been shifted from right to left. That’s not waste management, that’s waste choreography. Talk about sweeping it under the rug, we Indians have this problem, sweep our house sparkly clean and throw it into the neighbour’s lawn. Who cares, right?
Now, as Shillong and Meghalaya rise in popularity, let us be more sustainable, more mature than the states that couldn’t balance growth, which is future focussed. Not everything has to “Live for the Moment” kind of attitude. Goa and Shimla have had their share of tourist influx; locals did earn from it, but poor management eventually turned into their downfall. I speak only as a mango citizen of this city that I love. I cannot speak for the tourists, but I do request the locals, please don’t litter like “Khlem akor” at tourist spots. Carry back your broken beer bottles and trash to dispose them properly at home. Far too often, when I visit these places, there’s always a hill of garbage piling up, a beautiful waterfall, and then? An empty Frooti bottle bobbing up and down. We owe it to ourselves to do better. If we take lessons from Goa and Shimla, we can steer tourism here along a sustainable S-curve instead of letting it collapse into a haphazard bell curve.
As for the wise Indian man’s words, “Life ek safar hai,” let’s not make it a SUFFER for Shillong. Let’s act like responsible citizens; maybe start by not hurling empty beer bottles from shiny black SUVs and we urge the authorities to clean from the roots up and not just sweep it under the rug, so growth doesn’t just look green but stays sustainable and is future focussed.
Your’s etc.,
Shivani Pde
Via email

Never-Ending Drugs Haul

0

Not a single day passes without drugs being confiscated either from the East Jaintia Hills route or the Guwahati-Shillong route. And each time a drug haul happens the cost attributed to them amounts to crores of rupees. The question is why are the carriers so bold as to risk everything including their lives to carry those drugs knowing fully well that they are not risk proof and could be arrested any time since the intelligence gathering as far as drugs are concerned is much more sophisticated due to technology. The fact is that some manage to get away and earn their way through life. Perhaps the drugs are also destined to be taken further onwards to other states. There is no state or country today that is immune to drug-use. India is facing a huge challenge in countering drug addiction largely among the youth. There is no single method for drug de-addiction that has worked. Every person responds differently but some aspects are common.
In Meghalaya there is still a lot of taboo in how drug-users are viewed. There is need for greater empathy in understanding their situation and what has pushed them to drugs. At last count it is estimated that about 3 lakh youth are drug users. Obviously one government department cannot do much. There’s also need for a concerted effort and the attempt should be to reduce harm among drug users. That involves creating harm reduction centres that include needle exchanges (dumping used needles and being supplied with fresh ones) as has happened in Manipur at least two decades ago, meetings with social workers, psychiatrists and medical doctors. Meghalaya needs more addiction treatment facilities. Society itself must come forward and offer its services instead of judging and condemning drug users. Building a network of social workers to support drug users to reform and come out of their addiction, which is a slow process, is another imperative. While the root causes and consequences of addiction are universally damaging, the approaches to treatment and recovery differ significantly around the world. These differences are shaped by cultural values, social norms, and healthcare systems. What are the tribal cultural values that can wean our youth from their addictive status? Has society tried to explore that?
On the contrary India has adopted the western model where addiction is treated as a medical condition that includes medical detoxification, residential rehabilitation, outpatient counselling, and medication-assisted treatment. But there are alternative methods that are more indigenous such as building social harmony and group cohesion. Treatment often involves family and community support, and there is a strong focus on reintegration into society. Group therapy and community-based programs are imperative with lesser reliance on medication. Meghalaya might like to explore these alternative routes to help recovering addicts. While the cost to the state in providing such resources would be quite high considering that Meghalaya’s internal resource generation is low but adequate attention needs to be paid to this societal scourge before we lose the best brains to drugs.

The Great Indian Vote Bizarre

0

By K.N.Kumar

Elections are meant to be a clash of ideas, an opportunity for citizens to choose leaders who will shape a better future. But in many parts of the country, they’ve become the reverse – a race to offer the best freebies. From free electricity and farm loan waivers to gas cylinders, gold for weddings, washing machines, and even livestock like pigs and goats, elections have turned into a Bazaar of handouts. This is not about generosity; it is about making a mockery of the idea of democracy itself. I call this the ’Great Indian Vote Bizarre”.
A 2023 report from the Centre for Policy Research found that nearly 70% of election promises over the past decade included cash or goods to sway voters. In poorer states, where people are desperate for any relief, these short-term gifts often matter more than long-term plans for better schools, roads, or hospitals. The deeper problem isn’t just the freebies—it’s the way they turn democracy into a transaction, where votes are bought rather than earned. Political parties, struggling to stand out with clear ideas or trustworthy leaders, are leaning more on these freebies to win votes.

Machinery Behind the Handouts

Delivering freebies isn’t a simple task. It takes a massive system of government officials to figure out who gets what and make sure it’s handed out on time. But this system is often tangled up with politics. In states like Telangana, Tamil Nadu, and Andhra Pradesh, ruling parties paint public housing (constructed with the taxpayers’ money) in their party colours to remind people who is behind the gift. In Madhya Pradesh, ration cards with leaders’ faces started appearing just before elections. These tactics blur the line between public service and campaign advertising, making it hard to tell where welfare ends and politics begins.
This cocktail of aid and patronage creates “vote banks”—groups of people who feel loyal to a party not because of its vision, but because of what it hands out. The voter, meant to be the backbone of democracy, is now a customer in the election bazaar.

Heavy Cost of Freebies

These giveaways come with a hefty price tag. States like Punjab are spending nearly half their budgets on subsidies and paying off old debts, leaving little for essential services such as schools, hospitals, or new roads. Tamil Nadu keeps exceeding its budget limits, but that doesn’t stop leaders from announcing new schemes before every election. Politicians understand the economic consequences—empty state coffers or rising debt—won’t hit them until after the votes are counted, so they continue promising more. This creates a dangerous cycle. States are scared to raise taxes, because it might upset voters. A 2022 Reserve Bank of India report showed that states are collecting less internal revenue than they used to, relying instead on central government funds or borrowing. It’s populism over progress, short-term gifts over long-term growth.

Cash for Votes: An Open Secret

Today vote-buying is blatant. Despite being against the law, handing out cash, liquor, drugs, or even gold is common during elections, especially at the local and state levels. In 2021, during Tamil Nadu’s elections, the Election Commission seized over Rs 1,000 crore worth of bribes. Political workers distribute cash to voters just before polling day. Most people don’t report it—it is, after all, their share of a broken system. Many voters know the money comes from shady sources—often public funds meant for other things—but they take it anyway. For people struggling to make ends meet, a few hundred rupees can feel like a lifeline. This cycle of economic insecurity and distrust in politicians keeps the cash-for-vote system alive.
The government hoped technology would clean up this mess. Programmes like Direct Benefit Transfers (DBT), which use bank accounts, Aadhaar, and mobile phones, were supposed to make welfare fairer by cutting out corrupt middlemen. But politics still finds a way in. Before the 2023 Karnataka elections, the ruling party rolled out new cash schemes for women and youth, timed perfectly to influence votes. It showed how even modern tools can be twisted to serve old-fashioned vote-buying. Technology hasn’t broken the vote-buying economy—it’s just made it digital.

Why Voters Expect Handouts

Why do so many voters go along with this? Education plays a significant role. Studies show that better-educated people are less likely to be swayed by handouts and more likely to vote based on policies and performance. A 2021 study from Ashoka University’s Trivedi Centre found that states with higher literacy rates, like Kerala, have voters who care more about how well leaders govern. Kerala, with its 94% literacy rate, sees voters regularly switch parties, holding leaders accountable. But it’s not fair to call voters corrupt or greedy. In a country where many people struggle to access basic services like healthcare or clean water, handouts can feel like the only time the government pays attention. The problem is not that people want help—it’s that this help is dangled as a reward for votes instead of being a right.

The Dependency Trap

The most considerable harm of this system is how it changes what democracy means. A 2022 survey by Lokniti-CSDS found that over half of voters in five central states expected something—a cash payment, a freebie, or a favour—in return for their vote. Elections have become like auctions, with parties bidding higher and higher to win. Opposition parties, unable to match the ruling party’s cash, often make even bigger promises they can’t keep, hoping to outdo their rivals. This isn’t just about money—it’s about the soul of democracy. When politics is reduced to a game of giveaways, it’s hard to have real conversations about fixing big problems like poverty, unemployment, or crumbling infrastructure. Voters are treated like customers to be wooed with gifts, not citizens with a voice in shaping their country’s future. Policy becomes a series of flashy announcements, not a roadmap for real change.

How Other Countries Do It Differently

Not every democracy operates this way. In Scandinavian countries like Sweden or Denmark, welfare is extensive—covering free healthcare, education, and more—but it’s administered through stable, transparent systems that are independent of election cycles. In the U.S. and U.K., campaign promises often centre on jobs, taxes, or economic growth, though populism is beginning to influence these areas too. India’s approach stands out because it uses poverty as a weapon. India’s “first-past-the-post” election system is part of the problem. In this setup, a candidate only needs more votes than their rivals to win, even if it’s just a slight edge. This pushes parties to focus on quick, targeted handouts to sway a few key voters in close races. India’s system rewards short-term tricks. With so many parties and voters split by caste, religion, and region, a small gift can swing just enough votes to win.

And, how do we reverse it?

India’s democracy shouldn’t feel like a cash machine spitting out favours. The current system rewards short-term bribes over authentic leadership and turns voters into deal-seekers instead of active citizens with a stake in their country’s future. To fix this, India needs more than budget reforms or stricter election rules—it needs a new way of thinking about what voting means. Changing the election system to reward broader, long-term plans might push parties to focus on progress over populism. Until that happens, the Great Indian Vote Bazaar will thrive. Parties will continue to win elections with votes that have lost all meaning.

Community Custodianship is Meghalaya’s Best Safeguard

0

Tourism Without Limits

By Nicholas Jason Iangrai

A week ago, I came across an Instagram reel shared by the proprietor of a local tour company. He wrote: “We do not usually disclose the location of any place that is new or not known to many people. There are several places we explore ourselves, but we often choose not to post pictures, make reels, or create content simply to gain followers or likes. This is because, even if you do not reveal the exact location, once a reel of a place goes up on the internet, within a few weeks or months you will see so-called influencers, waterfall chasers, and travellers rushing to these spots.”
It was refreshing to read this because it provoked a thought I’ve carried with me for a long time. Too often, a hidden spot remains pristine until it blows up on Instagram. Then, almost overnight, footfalls multiply and what was once a serene corner becomes crowded, polluted, and in danger of losing the very essence that made it special.
Tourism undeniably brings jobs and income. As a labour-intensive service industry, it has opened opportunities for guides, home-stay owners, and local food and beverage operators, among countless others who rely on visitors for their livelihoods. Especially in our state, where the sector has a significant impact on the economy, tourist arrivals have steadily increased over time, but as with any fast-growing sector, the question we must ask is: at what cost?
The Meghalaya Tourism Policy 2023 itself recognises this fragility. Its very first core guiding principle is Sustainable and Responsible Tourism, which explicitly acknowledges that Meghalaya lies in the Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot and therefore requires thoughtful care. Under this, the Policy speaks of respecting the carrying capacity of destinations. The UN World Tourism Organization defines this as “the maximum number of people that may visit a tourist destination at the same time, without causing destruction of the physical, economic, and socio-cultural environment, and without an unacceptable decrease in the quality of visitors’ satisfaction.”
Yet despite this principle being laid down, what we see on the ground is often the opposite: places are being pushed beyond their natural limits. In many cases, it has been the Dorbar Shnong and community members who have had to step in by regulating entry, setting fees, or even temporarily closing areas to protect them.
A striking example is the canyon-like rock formations at Mawrah village in Khat-ar Shnong Laitkroh block. The spot exploded last year in popularity after Instagram reels showcased its dramatic landscape. Within weeks, the village decided to temporarily restrict entry simply to give the land a chance to breathe and to deliberate on safeguards for the future. It was a firm reminder that while social media may create instant fame, it rarely accounts for long-term sustainability.
This concern was also raised by Emica Nongkynrih in a letter to the editor (The Shillong Times, August 26, 2025). She questioned whether the government, while promoting tourism through festivals, ropeways, skywalks and other attractions, has considered the strain this puts on our infrastructure and people’s daily lives. Roads in areas like Kenches Trace, Lawsohtun, or Lumparing are already congested. How will they bear the added traffic and parking pressure from projects like the ropeway? As she noted, even a single football match or music show can throw Shillong off balance. Now imagine that on a much larger and permanent scale. The bigger question she posed was whether our infrastructure and planning are moving in tandem with our ambitions, or whether we are rushing ahead blindly.
The issue is not merely ecological. It is also cultural and social. Villages that possess these natural assets are rarely involved in planning how tourism should unfold in their backyards. More often than not, they are left to clean up the mess, both literal and figurative, while outsiders benefit from content creation or short-term business. Many travel agencies, based in the city or even outside the state, operate independently without involving villagers. This sidelines communities from decision-making, leaving them as passive recipients instead of active stakeholders. In reality, villagers should be at the very forefront of tourism, not treated as mere beneficiaries.
Khonoma Village in Nagaland provides the most compelling example. Once known for hunting, it transformed into India’s first “Green Village” through community-driven conservation. This model demonstrates exactly what we need here: community custodianship and ownership. All conservation and tourism activities are carried out by the local community and village institutions formed under the guidance of the Village Council. Bodies such as the Khonoma Youth Organisation and Eco-Tourism Management Committees are actively involved in decision-making, with the authority to even grant certain permissions or impose fines. This shows how a village, by placing itself at the centre of planning, can balance livelihoods with preservation.
This is why the conversation must shift from “eco-tourism” as a fashionable label to actual mechanisms of controlled and restricted tourism. Eco-tourism, when left unchecked, too often becomes a convenient tagline to justify business as usual.
Villagers know their land best—they understand how much it can take, when it needs rest, and what rules are necessary to protect it. Community custodianship, then, is not just about conservation but also about empowerment, ensuring that those who live closest to the land are also its strongest defenders, economically and socially. Meghalaya does not need to look far for proof: Mawlynnong village has successfully managed tourism growth while maintaining its environmental standards, with systematic measures like visitor counters at entrances, rules explained to tourists, and robust waste management.
The state already has the policy framework, successful regional examples, and strong community structures to build on. The path forward lies in trusting communities, so that tourism benefits both the land and local livelihoods, rather than being driven by external promotion at the expense of people and the environment. Initiatives like the Tourist Buddy Scheme, launched by the Tourism Department in 2024, are encouraging in this regard, especially as they engage local youth. Yet their impact will depend on how far communities are truly given the authority to guide tourism, rather than merely participate. The scheme is currently rolling out at select prime locations, but Meghalaya has numerous tourist spots, many of them in remote areas. Scaling it will be challenging, which is why Meghalaya’s future in tourism depends on a community-led approach above all else.

CM denies political motive behind dist council pay offer

0

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, Aug 29: Amid state government looking to assume responsibility for paying the salaries of all employees of the three Autonomous District Councils (ADCs), Chief Minister Conrad Sangma has asserted that the proposed reforms are aimed at streamlining the bodies, denying any political motive behind the offer.
This comes in the wake of the ongoing salary crisis in the GHADC, where employees are yet to be paid 43 months of salaries. The CM on Friday met Nokma representatives from across the Garo Hills, along with GSU leader Tengsak Momin, to discuss the proposed reforms in GHADC.
In the meeting, held in Shillong, the chief minister reiterated the state government’s commitment to engaging with traditional council members in shaping any administrative changes. The discussions focused on enhancing governance efficiency while preserving the GHADC’s cultural and political authority.
Sangma emphasised that reforms will proceed only after detailed dialogue with Nokmas, the hereditary village chiefs who hold constitutional authority within the GHADC framework.
“Assured them (Nokmas) that the reforms are purely from a financial standpoint. The autonomy and sanctity of the duties of the Council is enshrined in constitutional provision,” the CM said in a post on X.
No formal proposals or timelines have yet been disclosed. Further consultations are expected to clarify which functions may be restructured, and whether any merger of administrative roles will occur.
Experts and local observers believe that, if handled with sensitivity, the reforms could bring improved service delivery and transparency without undermining indigenous governance structures.
Nonetheless, critics caution that pushing through structural changes without widespread local involvement could lead to political resistance.
In the future, the state government is expected to hold a series of stakeholder meetings across Garo Hills before finalising any proposals.
It may be noted that the state government has announced that it will assume responsibility for paying the salaries of all employees of Meghalaya’s three ADCs only after obtaining consent and holding consultations with the councils.
The move, expected to begin in November, is aimed at addressing the persistent financial crisis faced by the ADCs.
A dedicated committee has been constituted to coordinate with the GHADC, Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC), and Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council (JHADC).
The committee has been given 45 days to ensure that all necessary systems are put in place for a smooth rollout of the new arrangement.
Commissioner and Secretary of the District Council Affairs Department, CVD Diengdoh, stated that the committee will work in detail and seek the consent of the Councils, as the process must be carried out in consultation with them.

Govt rolls out scheme to help build parking spaces in city

0

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, Aug 29: The Urban Affairs department has launched the Grant-in-Aid Scheme for Off-Street Parking under the Meghalaya Parking Policy for Urban Areas, 2025, in a bid to ease the growing problem of traffic congestion in Shillong.
With the city facing mounting pressure from unregulated on-street parking and a steady rise in private vehicle ownership, the scheme aims to expand organised parking infrastructure and improve overall mobility in urban spaces.
Under this initiative, financial assistance will be provided to private landowners, Dorbar Shnongs, NGOs, and cooperative societies for developing surface-level, stacked, and automated parking facilities. Support for surface-level and stacked parking has been fixed at Rs 1 lakh per Equivalent Car Space (ECS), with a minimum of 10 ECS required. Automated parking projects will be eligible for 75 percent of the Detailed Project Report (DPR) cost or up to ₹5 lakh per ECS, with a minimum of 20 ECS.
The scheme is demand-driven, and proposals will be screened by a designated committee before approval. Selected applicants will be responsible for constructing, operating, and maintaining the facilities, which are to be used strictly for commercial parking and not for private purposes. Operators will retain the right to collect parking fees, but only at rates notified by the Competent Authority.
The state government has described the scheme as a step towards creating a more organised and commuter-friendly city, reaffirming its commitment to building congestion-free, accessible, and efficient urban spaces.
The first round of Expressions of Interest will remain open until September 30, 2025, with applications to be submitted through the official portal: www.invest.meghalaya.gov.in.

No valid papers, no labour licence: Govt

0

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, Aug 29: Labour Minister Shakliar Warjri on Friday reaffirmed that the government will not compromise on the interests and safety of the indigenous population by issuing labour licences to migrant workers without proper documentation.
He told reporters that all migrant workers are required to apply for labour licences through the official web portal and submit the necessary documents.
“Without valid documents, no labour licence will be issued,” he stated.
When asked about the Hynniewtrep Youth Council’s (HYC) concerns regarding forged or illegally obtained “acknowledgement slips” and “registration cards” by migrant workers, particularly in the Byrnihat area, the minister said he will convene a review meeting to look into the matter.
“I will be able to respond once I hold discussions with my officers,” he added.
Recently, the HYC had urged the Joint Labour Commissioner to address concerns about the practice of interstate migrant workers forging acknowledgement slips to enter Meghalaya.
In a letter addressed to the officer, HYC president Roy Kupar Synrem said that during anti-influx drives at construction sites and factories, members of the organisation detected migrant workers working only on the strength of the Labour Department’s acknowledgement slip.
The HYC urged the Labour Commissioner to direct all concerned, including police personnel at infiltration check gates, not to take these slips as valid documents until a registration card is issued.
The HYC also argued that acknowledgement slips and registration cards were being manufactured, forged, or illegally obtained by migrant workers, particularly in the Byrnihat area.
The HYC submitted a copy of a doctored registration card purportedly issued by the Registration Officer of East Jaintia Hills to one Bishal Sharma on February 1, 2026.
“It was detected by our members on August 20 during an anti-influx drive at the Byrnihat Check Post. This shows that there may be thousands of migrant workers who may not have applied through the proper system and entered Meghalaya illegally, which poses a threat to the state as a whole,” Synrem said.
He demanded the necessary steps to ensure that migrant workers enter Meghalaya legally and follow due process. He also sought strict action against individuals making or selling forged documents.

Now, Laitumkhrah vendors’ survey on cards

0

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, Aug 29: The High Court of Meghalaya on Friday issued several directions to the Shillong Municipal Board (SMB) on the presence of hawkers in Laitumkhrah, while pointing out that its report on the hawkers in the area does not project a good picture at all.
A registered society named Seng Samla Laitumkhrah “Ieng Skhem Ha Ka Hok” had submitted an application, seeking the extension of the action on the street hawkers of Police Bazar to the Laitumkhrah area. The court took cognisance of the application and directed the SMB to file a report on the number of street vending licenses issued in the Laitumkhrah area, with the names of the licensees.
Accordingly, the SMB filed a report to the court. “The facts which emerge from this report do not project a good picture at all. It appears that there is a large number of hawkers in the Laitumkhrah area. None of them possesses any certificate of vending or a vending licence,” the Division Bench comprising Chief Justice IP Mukerji and Justice W Diengdoh said.
According to the SMB, only 22 out of 122 vendors are “eligible under the provisions of the scheme” for trading. This implied that these 22 do not possess any licence despite being “eligible”, the court said.
“It is not very clear what the Board means, but it has stated ‘additionally 48 vendors claimed themselves as street vendors’. So, the summary is that 122 plus 48 street vendors are operating in the above area without any licence,” the court said.
According to the court, it further appeared that the survey of street vendors was carried out between January 12 and 16 in 2024, and it is highly likely that the figure has increased today. It noted that the SMB did not conduct any inspection or survey after the court’s order on August 14. Expecting more concerted action from the SMB under such circumstances, the court asked it to undertake a thorough survey in the Laitumkhrah area and prepare an inventory of the street vendors within three weeks from Friday. It sought details such as names, the merchandise sold, the area occupied by each, and the period from when each had been vending.
“The Board, with the help of the administration, including the local police, will ensure that, till further orders, not a single additional vendor is allowed to trade in that area. To prevent such acts, a strict vigil has to be maintained.
“The Board will consider all pending applications before it for the grant of certificates of vending/vending licences and consider those applications in accordance with the law within eight weeks from the date,” the court said, adding that this should include the 22 found “eligible” earlier.
The court said the SMB may give an opportunity to those vendors who are “eligible” but have not made applications or who do not have licences to apply for them, and shall process the same in accordance with the law.
At the same time, the SMB and the administration were directed to identify a suitable place for the relocation of the licensed vendors. The state and the Board were also directed to file a joint or independent report to the court.

Govt rejects reports of Assam looking to step in if Meghalaya aborts

0

National Games 2027

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, Aug 29: Sports and Youth Affairs Minister Shakliar Warjri on Friday reaffirmed that Meghalaya is fully prepared to host the National Games 2027, firmly dismissing reports suggesting that Assam might step in if Meghalaya withdraws.
“There is no doubt that Meghalaya will successfully host the National Games in 2027. I have not received any such information regarding Assam stepping in,” Warjri told reporters.
He stressed that the state remains confident and committed to hosting the mega sporting event. “I want to reassure everyone that the state is fully ready to host the National Games,” he reiterated.
Warjri also shared that discussions are still under way regarding the distribution of sporting disciplines among other Northeastern states, which are expected to co-host some events. “We’ve had only one round of meetings with other states in the region. Final decisions will be made in future rounds,” he said.
Reports suggest that Assam is not particularly keen on co-hosting, citing ongoing construction of most of its sports infrastructure. However, it is understood that Assam may consider bidding to host the entire Games if Meghalaya fails to meet deadlines.
So far, Tripura is the only Northeastern state to positively confirm its role, agreeing to host gymnastics. Other states have expressed interest in hosting disciplines that Meghalaya is already prepared to conduct on its own. Meanwhile, Warjri announced that the state government has earmarked Rs 1,900 crore for the development of sports infrastructure over the next three years, which will also aid preparations for the National Games. “The specific allocation for the Games is yet to be finalised. We’ll deliberate further before sharing the exact figures,” he said.
In addition, the Sports department plans to construct hostels to support athletes from remote parts of the state. “We are planning to construct these hostels in the parking area of Polo Ground,” Warjri revealed.

Talks can address cabbies’ demand to ban taxis from outside: Official

0

By Our Reporter

SHILLONG, Aug 29: Commissioner and Secretary of Home Department CVD Diengdoh, who heads a government-constituted committee examining the issues of tourist taxi associations, said the demands for restricting the entry of taxis from outside the state into tourist spots in Meghalaya must be looked at from multiple perspectives rather than a single viewpoint.
Speaking to media persons here on Friday, Diengdoh said discussions were held with the taxi associations. He said some of their issues will require consultations with different stakeholders, including hoteliers and tour operators.
The committee suggested subsidising the parking fee at the Guwahati Airport as it is too high. The department concerned is looking into it, Diengdoh said, adding that the other issues of the associations should be taken up with the state government for discussions.
Asked about possible repercussions of restricting taxis from outside the state in Meghalaya, he said these issues have to be looked at from all perspectives given the involvement of multiple stakeholders.
“One should exercise care while taking decisions, and assess their possible impact,” he stressed.
He also said that the committee explored various ways so the issues can be addressed. He added that discussions were held to explain to the associations why it is difficult to implement some of their suggestions.
Earlier, Tourism Minister Paul Lyngdoh had cautioned that restricting the entry of vehicles from outside the state could trigger a backlash in Assam, affecting the movement of the people of Meghalaya to the airport, railway stations, and hospitals in Guwahati.