By M K Dhar
In office for less than a year, the BJP Government led by Narendra Modi gives the impression of having its feet firmly on the ground, even though it is unable to push through important legislation in the face of stiff opposition to come of its measures from Congress and other parties, who still command a majority in the Upper House of Parliament. The Prime Minister appears to be unyielding on the Land Acquisition Bill, which the opposition dubs anti-farmer, and it seems doubtful if any amendments will be accepted. The Government’s final stand will be known only during the next session of Parliament as the controversial bill has been reissued as an Ordinance by the President prevent its lapsing.
Even though the Government managed to push through four other important bills by dividing the opposition and also accepting a few amendments, the land bill seems to have become a prestige issue since it is an amended version of the bill passed during the previous UPA regime. Combined opposition to the bill has created difficulties for the Government as it has committed to the corporate that land acquisition for their industrial units will be simplified. At the BJP’s National Executive meeting in Bangaluru, Mr. Modi went hammer and tongs at the opposition for misleading the nation over its provisions though farmers interests were not affected.
As per the Land Acquisition Act 2013, passed during the tenure of Manohan Singh Government, there is need for mandatory consent of at least 70 per cent of land owners for acquiring land for public-private partnership projects and 80 per cent for private companies. But the amended bill brought by the government at the time of the passage in the Lok Sabha which sought to replace the executive order. It also includes some suggestions made by the 8-member committee formed by the BJP, including that consent of famers should be made mandatory before acquiring their lands. The recommendations of the committee take note of the possible backlash from the farming community which has a sizeable vote share across the country. However, it says that no consent is needed for acquiring barren land.
Several ministers have given their own interpretations of “consent”, but Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said it proposes to incorporate five new exempted purposes including national security, defence, infrastructure housing, among others for which it would become easier to acquire land. The BJP cadres have been asked to create public consciousness about the bill which was part of Narendra Modi’s “Sabka saath Vikas” slogan for India’s development. This is an uphill task since public agitation against it is picking up and even Anna Hazare has warned of sitting on dharna in New Delhi against the measure. Grapewine has it that since the bill impacts the livelihood of farmers, particularly, the marginal ones with small holdings, several ministers also hold views not very different from those of the Congress and other opposition parties now agitating against it in its present form. Even BJP’s own allies Akali Dal, Shiv Sena and Swabhiman Paksha had actually joined the Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s protest march with a petition to the president against the measure.
Clearly, the BJP has hit a difficult patch after its deft management in the Lok Sabha where it got some other bills passed without much effort due to its clear majority. Passing of the Land Acquisition Bill would have boosted the Government’s claim of a complete victory on the legislative front as it approaches end of its first year in office on May 25. The party cadres have been asked to launch a major propaganda blitz to project the Government’s achievements, including tabling of a new tough Anti-Money Laundering Bill and re-allotment of coal mines and spectrum which has helped the Central Government collect a revenue of Rs. 200,000 crore, part of which will accrue to the states as per the mandatory resources devolution formula.
Having realised that governance involved a considered and benign approach towards the people’s problems and also to shake off the label of the BJP being a “pro-capitalist” party, something needed to be done to disabuse the public mind of any hidden agenda it might have up its sleeve to give a boost to the private sector at the cost of larger public good in a country where half the population still lives below the poverty line. The importance of the public sector in the country’s life cannot be minimised as it has acted as a steel frame of the economy and enabled it to create a strong industrial and defence base and a thriving banking sector rendering yeoman service to a large section of the population and which has now become an important vehicle of Mr. Modi’s flagship Jandhan Yojana.
A slight change in the style of functioning of the Modi Government was manifesting itself in recent weeks from a rigid and uncompromising one, to one that is more accommodating and consensual. It was reminiscent of the Vajpayee style during his tenure as Prime Minister that had instilled confidence among several regional parties in the NDA coalition. During that period his government was supported by over half a dozen regional parties, which included the Trinamul Congress (TMC) in West Bengal and AIADMK and later DMK in Tamil Nadu. Similarly, the Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav was helped by the BJP to form the government when no party had a clear majority in the 2002 Assembly elections.
Recently, Prime Minister Modi had a meeting with West Bengal Chief Minister Mamta Banerji who had come with a request to waive the State’s large debt to the centre incurred during the long communist Party (Marxist) rule. Parliamentary Affairs Minister Venkaiah Naidu was sent to Odisha to secure support from the Biju Janata Dal, while Finance Minister Arun Jaitley was in touch with the AIADMK leader J. Jayalalithaa. Earlier Mr. Modi had travelled to Mulayam’s village in UP to attend the latter’s nephew’s marriage to the daughter of RJD leader Lalu Prasad Yadav. He attended two more functions in Delhi as well and was seen flanked by both Mulayam and Lalu Prasad. All these moves, characterised as “marriage diplomacy” were seen by political observers as efforts to cultivate regional parties on issues that could in time go beyond passing he bills as well.
Although the Samajwadi Party and BSP, both essentially UP-based regional parties, do not see eye to eye with the BJP on many issues, they supported the Government on some bills so that they could reap a rich financial reward. These are reports that the Nationalist Congress Party and Telengana Rashtra Samiti too seem anxious to do business with the BJP because they need finances to meet their many obligations. Some of them see the sword of Damocles hanging over their heads in the shape of CBI investigations into allegations of corruption against them. These parties at some time, directly or indirectly, supported the UPA Government at the Centre which managed to rule for ten years at a stretch under the stewardship of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Here are fears that fresh investigations may be launched against some of them, even where earlier CBI inquiries had proved their innocence. The opposition alleges this is sheer vendetta politics.
The rhetoric of “Congress Mukt Bharat” is back, suggesting a degree of nervousness in the rank and file. It does not reflect positively on a party of governance, which should be more accommodative of and generous towards its opponents concerns. Such outreach is a tactical and strategic necessity, apart from just call of the democratic spirit. BJP’s defeat in the Delhi Assembly elections and its inability to step into the Kashmir Valley, despite best efforts and attempted electoral gimmickry which did not work, suggests that the people have begun to introspect and feel much of what the Prime Minster had promised during electioneering remains unfulfilled. It has not paused to undertake a serious stocktaking of the Delhi defeat and inability to win over the people of the Kashmir Valley despite many promises.
It has also become a test of wills on the economic front as the investor community, both Indian and foreign, is holding its breath to see whether Mr. Modi will be able to push through his reforms agenda. Should he fail to do so, large volumes of investible funds lying abroad and looking for attractive investment opportunities may give India the miss. China and Japan, in particular, who have promised investments to the tune of over $ 50 billion in the next few years, are waiting for approval of agreed projects and provision of land and other requirements essential to setting up new enterprises, be they industrial parks, smart cities or high-speed railways. The Government should note that the Congress party has begun its offensive against it over general issues. These include failure due to unseasonal heavy rains; increase in urea prices; curtailing food-grains procurement and cutting down funds release for social welfare schemes.