Wednesday, December 11, 2024
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Bara-khynraw: Khasi traditional cooperatives

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 By Fabian Lyngdoh

     Tradition should not be seen and discussed only in terms of the rights and prerogatives of traditional heads or chiefs, but it has to be seen in all aspects of the socio-economic and religious life, as well as the traditional knowledge system of the community. In the socio-economic sphere, the Khasis in the past had understood the concept of what is today called as ‘micro finance’, and the profitability of cooperative societies or self help groups (SHGs) which were called ‘ki bara-khynraw’ in Ri Bhoi region. In each traditional village, there might be two or more bara-khynraw according to the population. In one bara-khynraw there might be twelve to fifteen members of strong unmarried young men called ‘ki khynraw’ who constituted the main workforce; two smart and attractive unmarried young women called ‘ki khyllud’; one elder who was the general manager of the group called ‘u baheh-khynraw’, and two elders who were the assistant managers called ‘ki symbud baheh-khynraw’.

     U baheh-khynraw was the leader of the group, and was looked upon as the proprietor of the labour company in the external affairs. The young men were the workers, on whose physical strength the status of the group depended. The purpose of ‘ki khyllud’ was to assist in the personal needs of the young men and ki baheh-khynraw, such as serving them with betel nuts from time to time; drawing spring water to quench their thirst in the heat; bringing their ‘jasong’ (tiffin bags) to a proper place when u baheh-khynraw announced the lunch time; gathering and distributing their ‘ki knup’ (rain shields) when the rain was falling, and other miscellaneous services to ease the young men in their toil and sweat. But the most important purpose why ki khyllud were included in the group was for a psychological reason. The presence of two smart and attractive young women would enlighten the spirit of ki khynraw by igniting their sex instinct and sublimating the energy to a healthy competition among them to work harder and behave responsibly as respectable men so as to win the hearts of these two models of desirable womanhood, or just to attract their admiration for a passing feeling of potency and manliness. The young ladies would occasionally help the young men in the actual work in a leisurely way; while the young men talked romantic things and cracked pleasant jokes to them the whole day long to keep the tempo of the work in high spirit. In a way, the purpose of ka bara-khynraw was to function like a college with ki baheh-khynraw as professors to provide practical training to the young men to learn economic production skills as well as the art of responsible adulthood.

     The bara-khynraw that had first started work at the beginning of the agricultural year would qualify to sponsor and lead the ‘Lakhympong’ dance of the coming year in the ‘Raid’ (political commune).  Under the leadership of ki baheh-khynraw the group worked from day to day in the farm lands of the members each in turn, and when one full round was completed, they would go and work in the farm lands of those who might hire them. The hiring of ka bara-khynraw to work in the farm lands of other people in the village or outside the village was called ‘ka paiñ-nong’. The wages that the members earned through ‘ka paiñ-nong’ were pooled in the common fund. After each ‘paiñ-nong’ they would again work in their own farm lands according to the turn of each member. In this manner, they worked every day in their own farm lands as well as earning common fund for the group in terms of money during the whole period of the agricultural year. The function of u baheh-khynraw was to unite and lead the group and to negotiate for ka paiñ-nong. It depended on the physical strength and diligent of ki khynraw and the negotiating skill of u baheh-khynraw and his assistants, that the group earned popularity and being hired for ka paiñ-nong regularly throughout the year.

     The two young women would openly show equal attention to all the young men in the group though secretly they might have their own lovers among the group or outside the group which they would reveal and express publicly only during the Lakhympong dance. Equal wage was paid to ki khynraw, ki khyllud and ki baheh-khynraw in ka paiñ-nong. Moreover, at the turn of the group to work in the farm lands of these young ladies, ki khynraw would work harder and show more muscles and strength to impress their parents. Ki baheh-khynraw too worked leisurely with more rest periods for smoking and eating betel nuts because they were much older than ki khynraw in age. The young men would never be jealous, but instead they respected and obeyed them because they were the teachers, philosophers and guides for their graduation to responsible adulthood in the society.

     Without ki baheh-khynraw, unmarried young men could not establish ka bara-khynraw only among themselves because the parents and maternal uncles of the young women would not permit them to associate in a bara-khynraw without the guidance and counsel of elderly members as leaders. Therefore, each bara-khynraw consisted of the physical strength of young men, the guidance and regulation of elderly men, and the sex-appeal of young ladies. If only one girl was included in a bara-khynraw she would be feeling lonely and insecure; hence, each bara-khynraw had two unmarried girls of the same wavelength in thoughts and feelings so that they could talk feminine matters with each other, and also serve the group with confidence and feeling of security. They never included three girls in one group because jealousy and division might breed among them, and many girls were not included because then the productive credibility of the group would be reduced and no one would hire the group in ka paiñ-nong, as equal wage had to be paid to all members. Hence, the presence of two unmarried young women in each bara-khynraw was the norm.

     At the end of the agricultural year, when harvest was completed, u baheh-khynraw would convene a special meeting to settle the account and financial matters of the group, and to decide how to utilize their common fund. Most of the time, they usually decided to go to the market as a group for purchase of goods as well as a pleasure trip and a picnic once in a year. They might decide to purchase two quintals of dry fish to be made into ‘ka ktung tyndong’ (fermented dry fish in bamboo cylinders), two quintals of salt, washing soaps and other commodities which were meant to last for the whole coming year, according to the size of their fund. The rest of the fund was divided equally as pocket money or for purchase of personal belongings like clothes, umbrellas, sweet scented hair oil for the girls and other personal effects.

     In the past, the people of Ri Bhoi went for marketing to the Pantuli Bazar across the river Umsiang which is now in Assam. Those who could not afford to go to the Pantuli Bazar would go to the Sehkma Bazar which was situated at the common boundary of the three ‘Raids’: Nongtham, Thaïang and Namcha. In later period, beginning from the advent of the British rule in the Khasi and Jaiñtia Hills, the people of Ri Bhoi had gone to Ka Ïewduh (Bara Bazar) in Shillong for their purchase. On returning from the market they would divide all the goods equally, and then close the account with a zero balance to the satisfaction of every member of the group. The particular bara-khynraw which had earned the right to organize and sponsor for the Lakhympong dance would also spare fund for the expenses to be incurred during the dance. This group gained no tangible economic benefit by getting the right to sponsor for ka Lakhympong other than honour and credibility of the group for ka paiñ-nong in the next agricultural year.

     After the Lakhympong dance, the group would reassemble and enroll new members if some of the young men got married during the courtship dance. New young ladies would also be inducted if the previous ones had gotten married. The various groups would then compete to be the first to start functioning, in order to get the sanction of the Raid’s political authority to be the organizer and sponsor of the next Lakhympong. It would be good if this traditional spirit of unity, cooperation and discipline could be replicated in the present generation of the Khasi society.

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