Editor,
This discussion in Meghalaya touches on sensitive questions about the intersection of identity and law. While some argue that conversion to Christianity might lead to a departure from traditional practices, others maintain that religious belief is a personal matter and may not necessarily erase one’s cultural heritage or tribal identity.
Now, why do non-indigenous people have an interest in this issue? The relationship between indigenous beliefs and other religious practices, such as Hinduism, in Meghalaya—particularly in the Jaintia Hills—is a subject of historical and cultural significance. History suggests that there was an assimilation of Hinduism with the local tribal belief systems. The influence of Hinduism on the cultural and religious practices of the Jaintia people is evident in various aspects of their lives, from festivals and rituals to dietary customs. While opinions on the extent of this influence may vary, historical and contemporary practices suggest a significant Hindu presence in the region.
The fundamental Hindu belief regarding the sanctity of the cow and the prohibition of beef consumption is deeply ingrained in the cultural fabric of Hindu society and has been historically influential in shaping dietary customs. The Jaintia’s adherence to the non-consumption of beef (including many who have converted to Christianity), despite their meat-eating habits, is a testament to the enduring impact of Hinduism’s core principles on their cultural identity. Additionally, the celebration of Hindu festivals like Durga Puja, and the presence of ancient Hindu temples and the Shakti Peeth temple in the area, are significant in Hindu belief.
However, the adoption of Hindu customs and traditions by the Pnar people in the Jaintia Hills did not replace their indigenous practices but rather blended with them, creating a unique cultural synthesis. Niamtre and Hinduism are not the same since the latter focuses on importance of caste system, rebirth, purity and pollution (untouchables are considered impure and therefore justified to be exploited by upper castes) and highly patriarchal where women have a subordinate role. Pnar society is however completely opposite of that. So, while Niamtre has taken elements from Hinduism it is not Hinduism.
This blend and assimilation of certain fundamentals between Hindu belief and the traditional belief system of the people could potentially provide a ground for Hindutva elements to interplay between religious beliefs and identity politics, thus possibly involving them in the ST status vs. Christian conversion debate. If the ST status were to be affected by religious conversion in Meghalaya, it could lead to a broader discourse and possibly similar actions in other states, impacting the social and political rights of the communities involved.
While the indigenous tribes are busy fighting over their minor differences, there are others who are ready to take advantage of one or two fundamental similarities to further add fire to the infighting over minor dissimilarities.
Yours etc.,
James D,
Via email
Yes, scrap the CUET
Editor,
I fully agree with the letter of Prof. H. Srikanth, ‘Scrap the CUET,’ (ST May 17, 2024). The Common University Entrance Test (CUET) has created a lot of problems and disturbances for the students. It is better to scrap it for local students who wish to study in colleges within the state of Meghalaya. It should be conducted only for those students who wish to study in colleges outside their home states. Entrance tests are good for admission into the professional courses. So, I hope one day the CUET will be done away with for students who wish to study in local colleges.
Yours etc.,
Wallambiang Rani,
Upper Shillong
Predicting election outcomes is fraught
Editor,
Apropos of the editorial “Seasons of speculation” (ST May 17 2024), Narendra Modi will turn 73 during the 2024 Lok Sabha election. The BJP has an unwritten rule of retiring politicians from ministerial and organisational positions upon attaining 75 years of age. If the BJP wins the 2024 parliamentary election and Modi becomes Prime Minister for the third consecutive term, he may step down after September 17, 2025, as he will complete 75 years of age. But the BJP may treat Modi’s case as an exception and allow him to continue beyond 75 years of age. One must not lose sight of the fact that the RSS remains the influential ground force, while Modi leads the government. Coaction between the two entities shapes the BJP’s policies and strategies. Age and organizational norms may play a role but Modi’s exceptional leadership and BJP’s strategic considerations will determine the future face of the party.
The potential successors to Narendra Modi within the BJP have been a topic of speculation. However, the leading candidates are Amit Shah and Yogi Adityanath. Amit Shah, Union Home Minister is a close confidante of Narendra Modi, who played a pivotal role in shaping BJP’s strategies and electoral victories. Yogi Adityanath, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh (India’s largest State) is another prominent contender. Known for his strong Hindu nationalist stance, he commands influence in a crucial electoral region. These leaders are vying to carry forward the BJP’s vision and legacy, but the ultimate decision lies with the party and its members though The Economist says that “a leadership struggle is brewing in India’s ruling party”.
The emergence of the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) consortium has challenged the long-standing dominance of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in India’s political landscape. Looking at the numbers the NDA’s vote share may drop to around 43% in 2024 from 45% in 2019. INDIA’s vote share may climb from 27% to around 37% as parties change sides. As far as Lok Sabha seats are concerned, the NDA which had a staggering 352 seats in the 17th Lok Sabha in 2019, now has 335 seats. INDIA boasts of 144 MPs, up from 91 in 2019. As far as strategic alliances are concerned, NDA’s coalition has almost doubled in size, indicating alignment with more regional parties. INDIA wields significant influence in several states, including Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. The stakes are high as new alliances form and old ones reconfigure, setting the stage for a potentially transformative election that could redefine India’s political trajectory.
The war of words among political parties continues after 380 seats have already been voted. The volatility and unpredictability of India’s electoral landscape are evident, making this a crucial moment for the country’s future. The editorial correctly concluded that “if the INDIA bloc manages to upstage the NDA, a long-term perspective for the nation could be the first casualty.” A shift in power dynamics may lead to policy changes, altered governance priorities, and potential impacts on economic and social development. However, predicting specific outcomes is challenging, as it depends on various factors, including post-election alliances, regional dynamics and individual party strategies. While INDIA Bloc may cause setbacks for the NDA, the long-term consequences will depend on how the political landscape evolves after the elections. We have to keep in mind that these are complex dynamics, and outcomes are subject to multiple variables and negotiations.
Yours etc;
VK Lyngdoh,
Via email