By Bhogtoram Mawroh
On May 25, 2025, the Delhi Unit of the Khasi Students’ Union organised the first ever Mr and Mrs Hynniewtrep competition. The program was attended by Deputy Chief Minister Prestone Tynsong, Tura MP Saleng A. Sangma, and KSU president Lambokstarwell Marngar. Aimed at strengthening solidarity among the diverse communities that form part of the Khasi identity, it saw Franklin Marwein, a Khynriam, and Aidamon Talang, a War, win the Mr. Hynñiewtrep and Ms. Hynñiewtrep titles, respectively. But the most interesting part about the competition weren’t the winners, but the participants who took part in it. There was one person who did not win, but her participation sheds light on the historical process through which the Hynniewtrep identity may have emerged — revealing the groups that were part of it, and those who, at first glance, might seem to be outside it but were actually included.
Enrica Ronghang, whose Kur is actually Karbi, was the second runner-up. Ronghang is one of the oldest Karbi Kur connected to the founding of the Karbi royal lineage, the Recho or Lindok. They are related to the Markhap (a Bhoi-Khasi Kur) and Malang (a Tiwa Kur) through the practice of Teh-Kur: a Ronghang, therefore, cannot marry a Markhap or Malang and vice versa. In the past, members of the Ronghang Kur became Khasi by being incorporated into the Markhap Kur. And since Ronghang cannot marry within the same Kur, the Markhap similarly can no longer marry into Ronghang, as they are now considered kin.
The practice of Tang-Jait is a slightly different version practiced by the Khasi, where a new member is initiated into the Khasi community by adopting a new Khasi surname; thus, a new Kur is born. This still leaves open the possibility that in the future, the descendants might marry someone from their mother’s previous Kur since they have no memory of being part of it. This is avoided if a non-Khasi Kur is made a part of a Khasi Kur and that memory is retained avoiding the chance of committing Sang. This appears to be a very old tradition, as Charles Lyall’s 1908 ‘The Mikir’, mentions that during the Burmese wars, many Assamese escaped into the hills and became Karbi. So, ethnic identity in the past was quite fluid and flexible. In fact, the presence of non-Khasi groups played an important role in the formation of the Khasi polity.
Fabian Lyngdoh’s 2016 PhD thesis, ‘A Study on the Nature and Roles of Traditional Governance Institutions among the Khasis in Ri Bhoi District of Meghalaya,’ identifies Raid Ïapngar as one of the earliest Khasi polities, ruled by a Ka Ïong Saring. However, Ka Luh Shadap usurped her position in an eating contest. The Shadap family, then, held the positions of Lyngdoh and Syiem. But after a few generations, the family expressed the difficulty in performing the dual role of the Lyngdoh and the Syiem. Thereafter, with the Basans’ permission, they adopted a Karbi family from Raid Kharpati, establishing the Jait Syiem in Raid Ïapngar. From that time, the Shadap Kharpati Kur became the Jait Syiem and the Shadap Pnar Kur remained the Jait Lyngdoh in Raid Ïapngar. In another example, the Lyngdoh of Raid Bhoilasa, Ka Lasa was a Karbi woman belonging to the Tamu Kur, who was originally from Raid Narlong (now called Narleiñ). Furthermore, the founding Kurs of Raid Nongkharai–Khatar Lyngdoh belonged to both Khasi and Karbi lineages. And in 2009, both the Karbi Timung and the Khasi Syngkli claimed legitimacy to be the Lyngdoh of the Raid.
What this description shows is that in the past, ethnic identity, while apparent, was not a restrictive category. Groups belonging to different ethnic groups came together and established political institutions. This was particularly quite relevant with the Khasis, where the Syiem was to be appointed from an outsider clan. Hamlet Bareh Ngap Kynta’s book ‘The history and culture of the Khasi people’ mentions two such instances. There is a tradition that after the Sohthanda family, who were appointed by the Nongkhlaw Syiem to be in charge of Shella, died, the people chose a Bengali name U Kongka and made him Syiem. Tradition also suggests that the Mawiang Syiem’s family descended from four Muslims who migrated to the hills, adopted Khasi customs, and accepted the position. In fact, the tradition of the divine origin of the female progenitors of the Syiems is most likely a metaphor for non-Khasi women being assimilated into Khasi society—similar to the Tang-Jait—with the new Kur, in this case, taking on the mantle of the Syiem.
This fluidity of identity allowed people to claim membership to different groups and, in time, gave rise to inclusive traditions. I remember when I first started visiting villages for my fieldwork, I met a Karbi headman near Umden. While talking to me, he claimed that the Karbis are also Khasis. I found this difficult to understand and confusing. But a couple of years ago, I was in Khanduli attending a festival commemorating the friendship between Khasis and Karbis. There again, I met a group of Karbis, one of whom had studied in Mawlai when he was young. He also claimed that the Karbis and Khasis are the same, and stated that the Bhois are actually Karbis. This is something that was also mentioned by PRT Gurdon in his book ‘The Khasis’. But again, this was something the Karbis were claiming for themselves. I needed to hear it from a Khasi. Soon, I found the confirmation I was looking for—but in an unfortunate manner.
In 2023, a couple of Karbi houses were torched in the village of Tapat, Karbi Anglong, by people who had allegedly entered from the Meghalaya side. There was a video of the incident in which a Karbi woman was telling a news channel what had actually happened. She claimed that a group of Khasi men came with guns and started shooting at the Karbis. One of them shoved the woman aside, shouting in Khasi, “Shu, shu, ngan siat ia u Bhoi!” — which means “Get out of the way, I am going to shoot at the Bhoi” — mistaking her for a Khasi. It was very well understood by the assailants (presumably Khasis) that Bhoi meant the Karbis.
The myth of the Hynniewtrep mentions Bhoi as being part of the seven celestial families who came down from heaven to populate the Earth. I have been told by a Pnar friend that they have a slightly different version where the members of the Hynniewtrep included the Lyngthong. This is today a clan found among the War people. The War also have their own version of the Lumsohpetbneng myth. In their telling, a creeper or aerial root of diengjri (found in the War areas and used to make the living root bridges) connected heaven and earth instead of a celestial staircase. So, the story of Hynniewtrep is ancient, but the original seven may have been the seven original Kurs who came from the East.
Over time, membership in the Hynniewtrep grew to include groups like the Karbi, many of whom adopted Khasi customs and traditions. The Tiwas, similarly influenced by the Khasis, could very well be included. What is most interesting to note is that the Tiwas—especially those living in the hills, i.e., Meghalaya—are matrilineal, while those in the plains are patrilineal, a clear example of Khasianisation: the process of non-Khasi groups adopting Khasi culture and identity. Just as there was an Indic model through which Sanskrit and Hindu cultural practices spread across South and Southeast Asia, there was also a Khasi model under which Khasi vocabulary, political structures, and cultural practices were adopted by various non-Khasi groups.
The Mr and Mrs Hynniewtrep competition is a very good initiative to create a sense of solidarity among the Khasi community. At the same time, it could also help bring solidarity with groups that in the past identified with the same identity – an identity which is inclusive and based on accommodation. Maybe a Maslai and a Teron should win the next Mr and Mrs Hynniewtrep. That would be a very apt outcome.
(The views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not reflect in any way his affiliation to any organisation or institution)