Power and Politics: The Fallout of Meghalaya’s Cabinet Reshuffle

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By Bhogtoram Mawroh

The recent cabinet reshuffle, which saw the induction of eight ministers, including seven fresh faces, came as a shock not just to the common public but also to the incumbent ministers in the MDA government, who did not know that it was taking place. In the past, there had been discussions that the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) would rotate its ministers, with AL Hek stepping down to make way for Sanbor Shullai, the legislator from South Shillong. Earlier in the year, Hek was asked about the agreement for sharing the cabinet berth. He declined to comment, but declared that he would abide by the party’s decision if the reshuffle happened. True to his word, he did not protest. However, the other outgoing ministers were surprised because they did not know about such an arrangement. One in particular expressed strong discontent at the decision: Ampareen Lyngdoh.
The removal of Ampareen Lyngdoh happened in the most bizarre fashion. She was attending a two-day national conference on agriculture for Rabi Campaign-2025 in New Delhi as the state’s agriculture minister. When informed about the move to drop her, she decided not to attend the second day, with only senior officials from her department being present. The chair reserved for her remained vacant. From an outsider’s perspective, it would have appeared someone humiliated her on purpose on the national stage. She admitted she did not know of her impending removal and questioned the lack of consultation, calling the process “casual” and “insulting” to her constituents.
Ampareen’s mistreatment is ironic considering that in 2021 she was one of the five Congress MLAs who supported the NPP-led government while she was still in the opposition. She explained that by claiming that they “decided to offer … support to the government on the aspect of governance in the greater interest of the people of Meghalaya.” This weird situation invited ridicule from opposition party leaders, with the Delhi chief minister, Arvind Kejriwal, taking a dig at the Congress and tweeting: “Congress and BJP part of same government in Meghalaya?” This was a big embarrassment for the Congress, which also saw 12 of its 17 MLAs, led by former chief minister Mukul Sangma, defect to the Trinamool Congress. The party promptly suspended Ampareen for anti-party activities. A year later, she and Mohindro Rapsang resigned from Congress and officially joined the National People’s Party (NPP) in the presence of Chief Minister Conrad K Sangma. She might still get a political appointment to assuage her disappointment. But it cannot be denied that her ouster from the cabinet without consultation has left her humiliated.
Ampareen’s decision to support the NPP when she was still in Congress was all about realpolitik. Ampareen began her career with the Indian Youth Congress but joined UDP (United Democratic Party) after they refused her a ticket to contest the 2008 Assembly Elections. After she won the election and rejoined the Congress in 2009, the government rewarded her with the position of the state’s minister for education. Ampareen, hence, is no stranger to migrating to greener pastures when it suits her interests. In this she is not alone.
During the last election, the PDF (People’s Democratic Front) President Banteidor Lyngdoh accused the NPP of trying to bribe his party’s MLAs, claiming they were offering 5 crores to make the switch. However, after the elections, the party promptly merged with the NPP. People wondered if the accusation was indeed true, and finally, someone offered PDF a higher price, causing it to fold. Recently, Congress’ last remaining MLA, Ronnie Lyngdoh, also joined the NPP. Not long before that, his colleagues in the Congress party, Charles Marngar, Gabriel Wahlang, and Dr Celestine Lyngdoh had also left the party to join the government. Paul Lyngdoh himself was the founder of KHNAM (Khun Hynniewtrep National Awakening Movement), which he left to join the UDP in 2014.
Returning to Ampareen — although she joined the NPP in the hope of easing her path to the Assembly and a cabinet position, the 2023 election turned out to be a fiercely contested battle. There were indications earlier on that she was under tremendous pressure. If the BJP and the newly formed VPP hadn’t split the vote, Manuel Badwar could very well have won the seat for Congress. But the challenges are not yet over. With the rise of the VPP and their victory in the MDC election, her future prospects are not looking very promising. For a demographically mixed constituency like East Shillong, her non-communal credentials are a very important part of political strategy. To give her credit, she has not deviated from that despite the temptations of playing the communal card. This was even more apparent during the MP election when she was the NPP candidate for the Shillong seat (she lost the election). While the VPP was riding high, banking on the resurgence of jaidbynriew politics, she firmly held on to her secular credentials. In Amit Mahanti’s 2025 documentary Inside Out, which focused on the 2024 MP election, she was shown questioning the sustainability of such an approach. But come the next election, which is still 2.5 years away, this may not be enough.
Ampareen was one of the most vocal and identifiable voices in the present MDA government. She, along with Paul Lyngdoh and Rakkam Sangma, was regularly in the spotlight. It is ironic that it is the most recognizable names that have been given the boot. Perhaps this is exactly why they lost their cabinet positions.
When the cabinet reshuffle was announced, Hynñiewtrep Integrated Territorial Organisation (HITO) requested the Chief Minister, Conrad Sangma, to extend the principle of balance and inclusivity and appoint a Khasi minister to replace him as head of government. The demand has many problems, and it could lead to a reciprocal demand in the future, which could cause serious problems if ignored. The reshuffle also removed Ampareen Lyngdoh and Paul Lyngdoh, who were the only identifiable Khasi names that could have been candidates for the CM post. Is it possible that, because of their public visibility, some senior members of the NPP felt uneasy about the limelight shifting away from them?
Ampareen has had a chequered career. She is a consecutive five-term MLA and has been part of both the Mukul Sangma and the Conrad Sangma-led cabinets. However, in 2010, she was accused of manipulating the MPSC teachers’ selection process, which took place during 2008 and 2009 when she was the Education Minister. A CBI inquiry was ordered, and the allegation became known as the ‘white ink scam’. Just a few weeks ago, after 17 years, the High Court exonerated her of all charges. The CBI, on its part, has expressed disappointment with the judgment and stated that it is considering challenging the verdict in the Supreme Court. So, her legal troubles may not be over yet. She was also part of the Mukul Sangma government, which passed the illegal state Street Vendors Act in 2014, which set the street vendors on the warpath against the government. Finally, the Conrad Sangma led-government withdrew the illegal act, but the issue of street vendors is not completely solved, and more legal challenges are expected in the days to come. Ironically, one of her portfolio in the current government — from which she was removed — was that of the Law Minister.
Where do Ampareen and Paul go from here? If news reports are to be believed, it was the UDP, Paul’s own party, which was the principal force behind his exit. If that is true, his days in the party are numbered unless he wants to play second-fiddle to others. News reports also suggested that Ampareen was removed for practicing nepotism. The irony is that three cabinet seats now belong to a single family—the Dhar dynasty. Ampareen left the Congress to join the NPP, so a return is highly unlikely. VPP will not admit either of the two, considering their track record. Both are forceful personalities, something which the party cannot accommodate. Adelbert Nongrum learned that lesson the hard way. BJP is the only viable option. But joining it could mean political suicide. So, the next 2.5 years are going to be very crucial for both Ampareen and Paul. It is going to determine whether they continue to remain relevant in the political sphere of the state or disappear like many of their predecessors. Interesting times lie ahead for politics in Meghalaya.
(The views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not reflect in any way his affiliation to any organisation or institution.)

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