By VK Lyngdoh
The editorial “Congress-less Assembly session” (ST February 14,2026) also boldly stated no MLA from Jaintia Hills can win elections if he/she were to take a firm stance on banning illegal coal mining. The editorial further elaborated that even the VPP while campaigning for the Lok Sabha election had stated that coal mining is a traditional livelihood and that the Party would ensure that the ban was lifted by taking the issue up at the right quarters at the level of the central government and by pushing for scientific mining. It attributed the huge electoral margin in the Jaintia Hills Lok Sabha election to the VPP’s pro mining stance which reflects a hard political reality.
In Jaintia Hills: coal mining, though banned in its rat-hole form, remains deeply tied to livelihood, local identity and electoral politics. Any MLA who takes a firm stance against illegal coal mining risks alienating a large voter base that depends on coal for income. This creates a political paradox: enforcing the ban is legally and ethically necessary, but politically costly. The Voice of the People Party (VPP) campaigned by acknowledging coal mining as a traditional livelihood. They promised to push for lifting the ban and transitioning to scientific mining through central government channels. This stance resonated with voters, explaining their huge margin of victory in Jaintia Hills.
The underlying dynamics is that coal mining is not just an economic activity; it’s woven into social identity and local power structures. Voters often prioritize livelihood security over environmental or legal concerns. Political parties adapt by framing coal mining as a heritage issue rather than a regulatory problem. The editorial is justified in highlighting that political survival in Jaintia Hills is tied to coal mining. It shows that livelihoods hinge on coal, making outright bans unpopular. Parties like VPP succeed by aligning with local sentiment while promising “scientific mining” as a middle path. The governance dilemma is balancing environmental law; safety and livelihood politics which is extremely difficult in this region. This is a classic case of policy vs. politics, while governance demands enforcement of the ban, electoral logic rewards those who promise to preserve coal mining in some form.
The tragic coal mine explosion in East Jaintia Hills that killed more than 30 workers has indeed sparked calls for accountability. The accident occurred in an illegal coal mine in Mynsngat-Thangsko, East Jaintia Hills, on February 5, 2026. Over 30 workers, many from poor backgrounds in Meghalaya, Assam and Nepal, lost their lives due to the blast. Rat-hole mining, the method used, has been banned in Meghalaya since 2014, but continues illegally in parts of the state. The Chief Minister Conrad Sangma condemned the incident and promised stringent action against those responsible. Police have already arrested two people linked to the mine. A Judicial Inquiry Commission has been set up to investigate the mishap and one hopes it is “carried to its ultimate conclusion.” Some groups have demanded the CM’s resignation, arguing that the persistence of illegal mining reflects governance failure. However, the state BJP spokesperson has rightly rejected these demands, saying it is fair to wait for the inquiry’s findings before assigning responsibility and so has the Health Minister. Those who argue for resignation of the Chief Minister are of the view that deaths highlight systemic failure to enforce the mining ban and therefore as head of the state, the CM bears ultimate responsibility for governance lapses. Those who argue against resignation are of the view that investigations are ongoing, and arrests have been made and premature resignation could disrupt governance before accountability is clearly established. In Indian political practice, resignation demands often arise after major tragedies, but whether they are justified depends on whether investigations prove administrative negligence or complicity. Right now, the official stance is to await the inquiry’s outcome.
Let no person be fooled. Rat-hole mining persists in Meghalaya despite the government’s push for “scientific mining” because of a mix of economic, institutional, and enforcement gaps. Why does rat-hole mining continue? Firstly, it has economic incentives – low investment, high profit and rat-hole mining requires minimal equipment and offers quick returns, making it attractive for local operators. Thousands of workers, including migrants from Assam and Nepal rely on these mines for survival. The scale of operation as per reports indicate over 22,000 illegal mines that openly operate in Meghalaya, despite the ban.
Secondly, the National Green Tribunal banned rat-hole mining in 2014, but enforcement has been patchy. Then there is local complicity where district-level officials often lack resources or face pressure from powerful coal interests and recurring accidents exposes the same enforcement failures. Thirdly, the slow transition to scientific mining is due to requirement for clearances, environmental safeguards and modern technology. While the government is framing policies for scientific mining, implementation is slow compared to the entrenched rat-hole system. Many small mine owners resist scientific methods because it demands higher investment and compliance. Fourthly, the institutional complexity in Meghalaya’s tribal governance structure (Sixth Schedule autonomy) complicates regulation, as local councils have significant say in resource use followed by fragmented accountability where multiple agencies (State, District Council, traditional institutions) share responsibility, creating loopholes.
At the end of the day rat-hole mining is cheap, fast, dangerous and ecologically destructive. Whereas scientific mining is safer, regulated but slower to implement and less profitable in the short term. The reality is economic desperation + weak enforcement = persistence of rat-hole mining despite official bans. This shows that rat-hole mining persists not because scientific mining is not planned, but because illegal mining fills the economic vacuum faster than regulated alternatives can be deployed.
Since barking dogs seldom bite, I would prefer to wait and watch what will be discussed in the Meghalaya Legislative Assembly by our honourable MLAs between February 16-27, 2026 on this issue plus other relevant issues and let’s see if they come forward with practical solutions to the problem that flourished since the 1970s for which late Professor GG Swell who was instrumental as an MP in securing exemption from national mining laws regretted that he had enabled it as he did not find a glass of clean drinking water when he later visited parts of Jaintia Hills before he passed away.
Rat hole mining is therefore a hydra-headed problem where politicians are damned if they insist on banning it and damned if they persist in allowing it to happen as a subterranean activity.
