Now focus is more on his backward lineage
Why did Narendra Modi lose no time to visit the relatives of the victims of the Patna bomb blasts while he has been totally indifferent to those who survived the Gujarat riots of 2002?
In all probability, the answer lies in the fact that it was the Indian Mujahideen (IM), the Muslim terror group, which was behind the outrage in Bihar while the perpetrators of the Gujarat riots were suspected of being saffron storm-troopers. Besides, those who suffered at the hands of the IM were Hindus while Muslims were at the receiving end in Gujarat.
Considering that following the targeting of Muslims in Gujarat, the view was widely expressed in upper middle class drawing rooms (by communal-minded Hindus, of course) that what had happened was right – theek hua – because the “aliens” had to be shown their place, not only was Modi’s refusal to visit the refugee camps understandable, so was his mocking description of them as “child-producing factories”.
After all, the chief minister used to accuse the Muslims at the time – though not now when he is pretending to be a moderate – that they bred exponentially with their four wives. Hence, his coinage: hum panch, hamare pachis. The fear that such over-production and infiltration from Bangladesh will reduce the Hindus to a minority was expressed recently by a RSS functionary. This spectre has long been a leitmotif of the saffron brotherhood as it believes that such a charge will arouse the requisite animus against Muslims.
To the fear of Hindus being inundated in a sea of Muslims because of the latter’s reluctance to observe family planning, and because of Bangladeshi influx, has been added the threat of Islamic terror. Since the election scene prevents Modi from repeating his earlier hum panch … slogan or even refer to the illegal inflow from Bangladesh since it is a foreign policy issue, terror remains the only subject which he can exploit. Hence, the eagerness to rush to the houses of the blast victims in Bihar.
In contrast, not only did he stay away from the refugee camps in Gujarat, but also those in Muzaffarnagar. How Vallabhbhai Patel would have regarded this crude, politically motivated distinction which his admirer has drawn between two groups citizens who have suffered at the hands of two different murderous groups cannot be known. But, the RSS, which is said to be behind Modi’s selection as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, will be pleased.
If it had any misgivings till now about Modi’s moderation – considering that he has scrupulously avoided discussing the “non-negotiable” Ram temple issue, in Murli Manohar Joshi’s words – the doubts must have been dispelled by Modi’s display of the politically correct saffron line in Bihar. To others, however, this egregious exhibition of communal prejudice is another indication that the Hindu hriday samrat hasn’t changed and that his possible ascent remains “deeply troubling” for many Indians, as the New York Times has said.
To quote one such person, Tara Gandhi-Bhattacharya, who is the Mahatma’s grand-daughter, there is never a sign of anguish on Modi’s face when he talks of the riots. His refusal to apologize for the outbreak is in line with this insensitivity. Moreover, because of pressure from the RSS, there is no option for Modi but to keep in touch with his core group of supporters – the communal-minded Hindus. The Bihar visit was a reassuring message to them. He cannot alienate them at any cost because no one knows what impact an order from the Nagpur patriarchs to desist from campaigning for Modi will have.
As of now, Modi is treading a thin line. His development plank is a ruse for impressing the gullible and for the youths who have been disillusioned by the Manmohan Singh government’s farewell to reforms – under pressure from Sonia Gandhi – because it has stifled the employment market. The saffron think tank cannot be unaware that Modi’s appeal at present encompasses mainly the Hindu urban middle class. In a way, it is a replication of Anna Hazare’s movement which was also an urban middle class phenomenon till it fizzled out. There was no place in it for the rural folk, the minorities and the lower castes.
It is to avoid such an identification that Modi has occasionally been flaunting his backward caste origin and his humble beginnings as a tea vendor. But, it is still unclear how far he has been able to reach out beyond the towns. Since his efforts to woo the Muslims have not been noticeably successful, it is open to question whether he will be more successful if he tries to include the villagers among his admirers, divided as they are by their caste prejudices, their susceptibility to family influences and an instinct born of a life of struggle which enables them to distinguish between the fake and the real. (IPA Service)