By Hirokjeet Roy
“Britain isn’t Nazi Germany. The British Empire isn’t the Third Reich. But in Germany, after the fall of Hitler, heroic attempts were made by many people to purify German thought and the German language of the pollution of Nazism. Such acts of cleansing are occasionally necessary in every society. But British thought, British society has never been cleansed of the filth of imperialism. It’s still there, breeding lice and vermin, waiting for unscrupulous people to exploit it for their own ends…”- Salman Rushdie (Imaginary Homelands, 2010: 131)
One question keeps me haunting always, whether globalization has made us more borderless and transnational or it has led us to accept and reclaim our historic homelands, territory and our one-self identities within the larger social configuration as more exaggerative than that of before. Instances from various events in the world histories and continuing phenomenon from the present reveal that globalization, yet, has not been able to smash into smithereens and exempt the ideology of nationalism and nationality movements from the socio-political narratives of modern day. Rather it has widened and popularised the ideology of nationalism and nationality movements throughout the globe. Since the time immemorial we have witnessed a constant transition in our social identities, whether it is pan-nationalism, civic or ethnic nationalism. Based on the socio-political reality, the ideology of nationalism and different nationality movements has also taken place within and without the subsistence of a nation-state. From various evidences of the world history we have experienced how human being have constructed and reconstructed their shared national identity rejecting colonial, imperial, chauvinistic, hegemonic and despotic political rule which was imposed and reinforced over a free and even disunited people too. Observing the Scottish nationalism today one can realize that how the ideology of nationalism and national identity still at its height. The direction of change in the current nationality consciousness amongst the Scots and Irish masses, it is noteworthy that pan-British nationalism no longer attracts the allegiance of the majority of the people of Great Britain and is increasingly being replaced by the smaller nationalities like Scottish, Irish etc. The term of nationalism often described as the ideological movement for self identity whereas some people also describe it as a “reverse or displaced legitamation of colonialism” doomed to repeat the “epistemic violence” of the colonialism it had rejected (Spivak:1999). Scottish movement for free Scotland, however, always appeared to be a non-violent in nature which is still continuing for more than 150 years when the “home rule” movement for a Scottish Assembly was first taken by the National Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights. As “Rome was not build in a day”, gradually Scotland had grown an undisputed majority for free Scotland. In Ireland where rebellion movement began for free Ireland meanwhile in Scotland, people grew a non-violent and democratic movement for free Scotland resisting to be remained under the rule of Great Britain. In 1707 Scotland was merged with the Great Britain. However, many argue that it was not that united Scotland willingly joined the Kingdom. There was an incongruity between the Highlanders and Lowlanders regarding the incorporation of Scotland. Nevertheless, many Scottish also feels that England wanted to bring Scotland under its control so they could be able to prevent European adversaries from using Scotland as a base of attack, among other things (Carsten Hammer Andersen et al: 1998). Hence it is believed that unification between Britain and Scotland was never legitimate. However, by the time Scottish people also started to identify themselves more as British rather than they identified themselves as Scottish. Apparently, Scottish people started to accept the ‘Englishness’ in their culture and hence it also made them to adopt a dual identity within the sphere of ‘dominant’ and ‘periphery’ relationship. In the nineteenth century almost all of the European social entities as well as rest of the world were in rush to label themselves as separate ‘nation’s, whereas, Scottish until late twentieth century did not shown any determination in building of its own national sentiment, through which they could have emerge as a separate nation much earlier. Perhaps, the Scots did not realize the need of nationalist ideology which subsequently could have led them to their political independence. Nonetheless, from 1960s onwards Scotland underwent with some massive shift in its socio-political and cultural discourses. From education to industrialization, from the emergence of working class to political upsurge amongst the Scot population, this subsequently grew a strong sense of nationality feeling. Scottish National Party (SNP) remained one of the major forces behind this shift. SNP since its beginning has constantly been struggling to establish a free and independent Scotland. In 1979 Scotland and Welsh devolution referendum took place, however narrow majority for the devolution kept back Scotland under the United Kingdom and it could not emerge as an independent nation. The world, on 18th September, 2014 witnessed another referendum for free and independent Scotland. This time the political scenario of Britain seemed much more shaken as the ‘Yes’ campaign for independent Scotland was much stronger. On the other hand ‘No’ and ‘Better Together’ campaigns for unified Scotland were seemed to bestow their best efforts to keep Scotland under the political rule of United Kingdom. The result of the referendum shown majority for the ‘No’ and ‘Better Together’ campaigns more than 55% and on the other hand ‘Yes’ campaign for independent Scotland could only manage to get almost 45% of the total vote. Though the ‘Yes’ campaign for independent Scotland was been defeated in the referendum, yet, the nationalist sentiment which Scotland has gained over this period has really surprised the world. Europe where boundaries of various countries are been opened up for better socio-economic development; hence, it could also be seen an emergence of ‘Euro’centrism amongst the various nations in Europe. But the rapid emergence of Scottish, Walsh and Irish nationality sentiment within United Kingdom has really shaken the pan-British nationalism that Britain has developed over centuries. Scotland might not be an independent nation furthermore but the nationalist sentiment which it has grown over period might lead to further infringement amongst the Scots. Britain today might have taken the Scottish nationalism as their propaganda of ‘fantasy’, but who knows the future? Karl Deutsch once pointed out that beginning of the mass emergence in colonial countries is also the beginning of the end of colonialism (1969:79). Many industrialists were even assuming that Scotland would have prospered more if it could have emerged as an independent nation-state. SNP party leader Alex Salmond on the result day addressed the people of Scotland extending his gratitude for showing unexpected support for the independent Scotland and also insisted to run the party on the same agenda for independent Scotland. It would be interesting to see how long the Scottish who voted for the ‘No’ campaign can hold their dual identity remaining under the rule of their British cousin. Meanwhile in Scotland, where the slogans like “Nobody could love Scotland more than I do” has been successfully building a constant nationality sentiment amongst the Scots; can it be said that the British pan-nationalism which Britain has created and constructed long before through its colonial policies will continue forever as it was before? Today Scotland is experiencing slow but steady feelings of nationness but subsequently, it has opened up new avenues to the Scottish people to sabotage the colonial order, to bypass the English dominance and even to challenge it openly whenever possible. Max Weber long before argued that a nation is a community of sentiment which would adequately manifest itself in a state of its own; hence, a nation is a community which normally tends to produce a state of its own. Scotland this time could not get majority votes for its independence. This perhaps, also shows the sharp polarization and heterogeneity within the social structure of Scotland but one thing what Gramsci would have prefer to remark, it is certain that “Old is dying and yet new could not be born”.
The author is a Research Scholar, Department of Political Science, North Eastern Hill University, and can be reached at [email protected]