Crying hoarse over Nehru deletion
By Garga Chatterjee
Ever since the “news broke” that all references to Indian Union’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had been omitted from the Class VIII textbooks of the Rajasthan state board curriculum, there has been a huge hue and cry. Syllabus content, especially those of non-science subjects, has always been a bone of contention where various political forces have wanted to introduce changes based on their conception of what students should know more of and more crucially, what students should know less of.
Given the super-dose of Jawaharlal Nehru worship that the citizens of the Indian Union have been fed for decades, the BJP has sought to downplay Congress’s greatest family mascot. Congressis as well as those who think that the Congressi stream of politics represented the most glorious faction of politics before the transfer of power from the British monarch to the Indian National Congress, naturally were not amused.
Usual suspects perched in Delhi’s high wall universities who could care less about the state of school education in Rajasthan protested this deNehrufication. Some called it Saffronization – which is a trickier charge to establish given the simultaneous deletion of references to Madan Mohan Malviya, one of the great Hindu nationalist leading lights of the Indian National Congress and also a Hindu Mahasabha-ite. With Vallabhbhai Patel, Maliviya has been a figure that the BJP has carefully sought to patronize. Hence, this round of saffronization was haphazard at best.
This is nothing compared to the NCERT syllabus tweaking of the Vajpayee years that had the Congress patronized Delhi-based academic cliques up in arms. The BJP has got on a backfoot and has promised that this oversight would be corrected and Jawahar Lal Nehru would be rehabilitated in the minds of Rajasthani students of Class VIII.
In terms of setting the rules of the game, Congress has had the first movers advantage and built up a entire academic bureaucracy by frank nepotism, with some historians happy to play second fiddle in that game of infecting hearts and minds of young ones through their selective take on the past and more importantly, through their particular spin on issues that couldn’t be excluded. The BJP and the Sangh earlier was quite amateurish at this game. It is slowly building up a counterbureaucracy. It is in learning mode and hence some of their history-management moves appear very undignified. It is still learning and it has all the intent to do fry the brains of students in their own particular snakeoil that will make proud sons of Bharat Mata out of unsuspecting Rajasthani kids.
One thing, however, unites the Congress and the BJP. Both want the state boards to be destroyedwhich is evident from their support of NEET in order to establish the dominance of CBSE. The other similarity is the stress on a make-believe ‘national’ centre and its politics over the various power centres that were sequentially subdued or gobbled up by the British to manufacture India. Thus we have the ridiculous things like the NCERT and the CBSE, which provide syllabus and content for a whole subcontinent. Given only BJP and Congress have been in power with their unitary India imaginations, they have created history books which claim to be about the subcontinent but predictably end up about the political forces of the Hindustani-belt in general and the rulers of Delhi in particular.
rticular. A student of West Bengal or Nagaland who studies in such central boards will learn much more about the rulers who sat in a place thousands of miles away than the rulers and the past politics and culture of their own ethno-linguistic homeland. It is hardly different from the colonizer’s history as in the USA – where students learn more about European and Greek history than the past of the people who were in charge before White men vanquished them physically through genocide and culturally through various methods – education being one of them. With the right inspiration and imbalance of power, ‘education’ aimed at ‘unity’ can be an effective tool of cultural genocide.
The perverseness of the Delhi-ideology is that it silences the histories of most peoples and nationalities of the Indian Union. There is no uproar against this deletion since they were never included in the first place. That’s how their deletion is normalized while one is also coerced to protest the deletion of Nehru. The difference between Congress and BJP histories is about their assessment of Aurangzeb.
None would mention that this Delhi imperialist’s army led by Hindu general Ram Singh was resisted successfully by Hindu Ahom general Lachit Barphukan aided ably by his military officer Bagh Hazorika Ismail Siddique. A focus away from the exploits of Delhi rulers to the resisters of Delhi rule or even worse, the description of great rulers who could care less about the existence of North India, evokes deep anxieties in the mind of the deep state and its academic time-servers.
Nehru ruled Rajasthan from Delhi. Usual suspects who have never protested the erasure of Manipur or Bengal or Tamil Nadu’s rulers from the Indian syllabus are protesting the erasure of Nehru from Rajasthan’s textbooks. At present, no Naga is taught about their homeland’s past but the past of Delhi. When Delhi will learn about Phizo, then only should Nagaland be expected to learn about Nehru. It’s rather simple. If there has to be an Indian Union wide history, Harshavardhan needs to be cut down to size and the Pulakesins and Shashankas need to rise.
Along with glory stories of successful hunters from Delhi, there has to be as many stories of those hunted by Delhi’s rulers, from whatever make-believe Indian antiquity up until 2016. Textbooks cannot simply be about Delhi ideology. Let’s learn about the ground beneath our feet. Let’s remind ourselves the words of American poet Wendell Berry – “What I stand for is what I stand on.” Finally, that’s what matters and connects man to his surrounds, to his soil, to his soul. That’s what has ever mattered, here, there, everywhere. (IPA Service)