By Benjamin Lyngdoh
It was obvious for quite some time that the Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB), 2016 would become an election issue for the ensuing Lok Sabha polls. Now that it is so, political parties are taking a public stand on the matter. In general, apart from the BJP (which is still clamoring over the bill and trying hard to justify its validity); the other parties have taken an opposing stand on it (with the Congress even stating that it will scrap it altogether once it comes to power). Be that as it may, the degree and intensity at which it is referred to these days across the political spectrum is a clear indication that we have not seen the last of CAB as yet. In fact, for now it is behaving like a ‘jack in the box’ waiting to pop up at the opportune/inopportune time. For all we know, he recent lapsing of CAB at the Parliament has positioned the BJP in an even stronger position (across sections of the Hindu, Sikh and Christian electorate) come the term of the 17th Lok Sabha. As such and in the context of Meghalaya in particular, the shadow of CAB remains and it is waiting to raise its ugly head in due course of time. Accordingly, I place the following pointers –
Firstly, let us paint a CAB oriented picture. It is being projected as some scary phenomena by the pressure groups, NGOs and opposing political parties; apparently, it is so. As such, the people are getting into a mob mentality. It seems that the voice which is the ‘loudest’ is the correct one and the opinionated views follow suit. However, what exactly are the demographics of it? What are the numbers in question? Unless we counter on these facts, the entire debate on CAB is incomplete. In fact, it will be even better if we can have a break-up of the possible demographic impact nationally, region-wise (say, North-East Region) and state-specific (say, Meghalaya). Once we have these, we can have an informed discourse on CAB and subsequently say ‘No’ to it with conviction; and indeed if it is a ‘No’, it will put the entire issue to rest for good. Interestingly, no one seems to have ‘valid and reliable’ demographical numbers on the issue (not even the ruling NDA). The only meaningful figures we have are rough estimates of around 1.4 crore people from Bangladesh who are deemed to benefit from it. Moreover, it is only the Government of Assam which has officially and categorically stated that the ‘number of people to be considered for citizenship under CAB is 8 lakh’ (Interview of Himanta Biswa Sarma [Assam’s Finance Minster] to The Economic Times, dated 15th January, 2019). However, it must be noted that this is an ‘immediate impact’ only in terms of people already residing in India. What will be the ‘gradual impact’ is a very different and much more difficult matter altogether. Hence, the entire anti CAB conceptualization for now is purely theoretical. On hindsight, maybe the CAB issue was conveniently used by the NPP, UDP and others in the MDA government to project their anti-BJP face in line with the decline in the popularity of the NDA at the centre (during the pre Balakot [Pakistan] surgical strike phase). Food for thought!
Secondly, as per 2011 census, the population of Meghalaya is 29.67 lakhs. Our population is indeed very small. Picture this, even with this population we are stressed all ends up; be it with the provision of elementary to higher education, proper shelter and housing concerns, poor health provision and facilities, our civic amenities are stretched to the hilt, combined with the problems of youth distress culminating into challenges of drugs and alcohol amongst others. Most importantly, let us not forget the challenges to employment and employability. We have a plate full of exponentially multiplying problems. Point being, our state is struggling even without the ratification of CAB. As such, one might appropriately presume ‘that any more chunks of people coming into our state are bound to spell more doom and gloom’. Interestingly and viewing things from a different perspective, more than the fear/concerns of other people coming in and stealing our jobs and lands and livelihoods; if anything, CAB has highlighted again how ‘under developed’ and ‘impoverished’ we are as a state. In the current state of affairs, we cannot contemplate even taking in another (hypothetically) 1.5 lakh people. However, think of a ‘utopian situation’; that being, if we are self-sufficient and strong (socio-economically) as a state, then this CAB issue may not be such a big deal after all.
Thirdly, CAB is basically a religion/faith-oriented communal issue that has taken an ugly turn as being a political dividend for the BJP. For months together, people and all interested parties have been debating and discussing on the economic, social and cultural aspects of the case. However, the hidden/ulterior motive is simply something else. It reads, ‘get the Hindus in (along with the baggage of Sikh, Christians, Buddhist and others) so as to ensure political gains.’ This is in line with the 2014 Lok Sabha election promise of the BJP to grant citizenship to Hindus persecuted in the neighbouring countries. Be that as it may, what is more intriguing is our response as a Christian-majority state to this narrative. As such, in one discourse with a pious personality; he said, ‘PM Modi has stood up and tried to do things for his religion through CAB, but what have we done as Christians for our own persecuted people?’ It must be noted here that we have a sizeable chunk of our very own Khasi-Pnar people settled in Bangladesh (around 85,000 as per Wikipedia) and facing degrees of persecution. What about them? Are they not our people? The Khasi community has had histories of communalism; but, can we be communal towards our own blood of a foreign land? Well, one might argue that the cost (Hindus coming in) far outweighs the benefits, (taking in Christians)!
Fourthly, 23rd May, 2019 may yet be an indication of where this CAB issue might head. Going by the discourses on national television it seems more likely that the NDA would come back to power. This is more on the grounds that the opposition is struggling to present a united fight against the BJP. If that be the case, then the shadow of CAB will dawn upon us into a real struggle once again. The NDA will not let go of it so easily. This is evident from the statements of Amit Shah on the wake of non-tabling of the CAB in the Rajya Sabha. As such, the non-tabling now looks more like a well formulated strategy to be implemented gradually rather than an acceptance of defeat. Hence, politically these are uncertain days. More importantly, in the tryst of identity as a tribal/region in the greater idea called India (read Patricia Mukhim dated ST 15th February, 2019 ‘CAB: Challenges of belongingness, identity and citizenship’), these are history-defining days!
Lastly, whatever may be the outcome of the current Lok Sabha elections and thereby the actions of any coming government, a clear, cohesive and effective narrative on CAB is required (ILP/Entry-exit points are more of a ‘response’ only [definitely not an effective strategy). This is the only way to effectively counter it. This is because bandh, road blockades, burning of effigies and so forth are only cosmetic and they do not achieve anything in the long-term. A solid countervailing argument is the need of the hour. As such, we have a month’s time to prepare ourselves. Clearly, the last battle concerning CAB is yet to be fought!
(The Author teaches at NEHU)