By Albert Thyrniang
All eyes were on Afghanistan when the Taliban fighters walked into Kabul without firing a shot after encircling the national seat of power for a week. The ease with which the terrorists took over the city was because the political leaders, including president Ashraf Ghani left the scene in haste. As the Taliban advanced Ghani escaped to Tajikistan via Abu Dhabi, UAE. The armed forces too either surrendered or fled without a fight because their leaders had already struck a deal with the conquerors permitting the bearded and Salwar clad men to march unopposed. The streets were soon manned by gunmen. The next scene was the presidential palace where a commander sat on the ousted president’s chair flanked by combatants posing for photographs. Playful ‘javaan’ were seen enjoying at the president’s gym and amusement park. The US president, Joe Biden had assured that the Afghan forces trained by his officers for 20 years would keep the Taliban at bay for a year at least, but within days the Taliban 2.0 regime had commenced to the complete humiliation of the US and NATO.
In the turmoil in Shillong recently leadership vacuum was more than visible. When the raid on the house of the retired HNLC General Secretary, Chesterfield Thangkhiew took place, the Chief Minister, Conrad Sangma was in Delhi to inaugurate the NPP’s office at 75 North Avenue. Home Minister, Lahkmen Rymbui pleaded ignorance of the alleged fake encounter that led to the death of the Khliehriat and Laitumkhrah blast suspect. The captain abandoned the ship. He did not stand up for the foot soldiers. The police force was left sans leadership. The subsequent statements on the tragic incident had to be issued by Director General of Police (DGP). Consider this conjecture. The Home Minister had given a free hand to the police to investigate the aforementioned blasts and found links to Thangkhiew. Even in such a scenario it was the Home Minister who was ultimately responsible when the raid went wrong. Instead he put the blame, responsibility and accountability on someone else. Until the return of the Chief Minister from the national capital on August 14, the men in uniform had no political leadership. The under-fire Home Minister who once proclaimed he was made of sterner stuff chose to quit following the diktat of party bosses rather face the challenge upfront.
While the all and sundry pressure group leaders were omnipresent, mouthing their rage, condemnation at the ‘extra-judicial’ killing before cameras that were beamed on televisions, Youtube, Facebook and the like, political leaders from the ruling MDA coalition were in hibernation. No minister appealed for calm. The opposition MLAs who did appear publicly pretty much reproduced the words of the pressure groups with one of them inflaming more passion rather than calming the volatile situation. The BJP which claims to deal with terror the harshest was the only political party to condole the death of the still ‘active’ militant. AL Hek, still angered by his removal, considered it apt to get back at the Chief Minister questioning his leadership qualities and spoke for the HNLC saying it won’t trust the government easily again. Readers took Hek to be a critic of rather than the advisor to the Chief Minister. Meanwhile the Congress thought its better leadership could topple the MDA government but the regional parties’ only objective is to complete the tenure no matter what.
With the political leadership almost leaving the police high and dry, large protests (assumedly without permission during the pandemic) were under little surveillance. With the police demoralised all hell broke loose. Diktats came from the ‘voice’ of a ghetto that resists even police patrols. Miscreants responded with stone pelting, arson and vandalism. The public obliged with the ‘black day’ observance. For the first time in the history of Meghalaya both the Chief Minister and the governor came under attack. The hijackers of the police SUV and INSAS rifles had a free run. They are still at large. Most shockingly, instead of hunting the black clad dacoits down to be punished the Chief Minister offered them amnesty. Jaw-dropping! Absolutely non-statesman like hip! Worse than a populist leadership!
The anonymous letter led to the recovery of the three guns. Now the identity of the gun-snatchers will be anonymous. If this bizarre decision stands it is contempt of the Constitution of India. Either the court takes suo moto cognizance or someone files a PIL demanding strict actions against the arm lifters.
Does the vacuum of leadership give way to admiration for the outlawed? What makes youths look up to militant leaders as heroes? Is it because of a crisis of leadership and dearth of role models? Why did the political and religious leaders not have a positive influence during a crisis? Have rebels been able to fill in the gap in the absence of credible leaders?The most visible reason for the fall of Afghanistan was because the political leadership fled the scene and the armed forces gave up the fight paving the way for Taliban to slip in unopposed. The likes of the Taliban, ISIS and other terrorist outfits have huge followings because American and NATO soldiers are seen as occupiers and abusers of human rights.
If the slain HNLC General Secretary was eliminated, the one who pulled the trigger and the one who ordered the shooting must pay the price. The police too have to be policed. ‘Private defence’ is ambiguous. Does it mean the trigger-puller acted on his own? If so he should be booked. But glamorizing the founder of an outfit which revolts against the state is misplaced. Thangkhiew, once the most powerful in the HNLC’s rank and file took Meghalaya to its darkest period through extortions, kidnaps and killings. He brought parts of the state under the insurgency map. Did Thangkhiew ever apologise for the death of his men, security forces and civilians? Did he regret causing pain and suffering, grief and sorrow to the innocent? Was he remorseful? Was any criminal case slapped against him? Was any sort of reparation demanded of him? Was he made answerable for his ‘misdeeds’? Does coming over-ground absolve an insurgent of all crimes? Then why the overwhelming sympathy and disproportionate honour? Why romanticise a person who rose against the state? Why give legendary status to the creator of a proscribed outfit? Why the slogan ‘Long Live HNLC’ when it terrorised the state in the past and is still out to bomb market places to harm commoners?
One of the common slogans in rallies and in pressure groups’ assemblies is, “Ha Ri Lajong, Katba Mon” (In one’s own country, (do) as one wills). Where on earth is one able to do as one likes. Not even in one’s home! How can slogan shouters advocate that in our own ‘country’ we can behave as we please? How can one say ‘in Khasi-Jaintia Hills we act as we wish?There is no place on earth without any restrictions.There is no laissez-faire country. We speak of laissez-faire leadership only when all employees in an organisation are trustworthy and responsible. Are we so?
Pressure groups often call for unity. One is amused because this appeal actually means a demand for acceptance of their ideas, worldviews, proposals and decisions. If anyone disagrees with them he/she is excluded. Concretely, if a group had suggested to the ‘Voice of Mawlai People’ not to declare 15 August a ‘black day’ that group would be shunted for sure. If a civil society submits that ILP is not required in Meghalaya that NGO would be rejected without a hearing.These pressure groups are all like-minded. One wonders why they don’t merge into one. They don’t because leaders want to outdo each other on the same issues.
But is the voice of these ‘identical’ groups the best for the state? Why is it that not making 15 August a ‘black day’ not in the best interest of the state? Why is the suggestion ‘no ILP’ not good for the state? Why are divergent views repulsive? Why are dissenting voices threatening? Unity of thought is detrimental to the development of a society? It is the greatest enemy to progress. It is more dangerous than the bullet. If not for diversity of thoughts there would have been no renaissance of art, architecture, politics, science and literature in the 14-16th centuries. Even the Taliban seems to have learned this fact, this time round. Initial statements are indicative of a more tolerant militia guaranteeing respect for the minorities, human rights and rights of women even ensuring freedom to the media to critique the new administration.
The scars of the August 15 unrest will remain long. Why did it happen? Whose was the more prominent voice? Whose voice did we listen to? Voice of pressure group leaders or other leaders? Were there other leaders? Is this the way the state has to be run? Have our leaders failed the state? As followers are the leaders worth following? Would the series of shameful acts on Independence Day unfold had our leaders not gone ‘missing’ in times of crisis? We are staring at a leadership crisis and crisis of governance.
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