By Albert Thyrniang
“As it turned out, the son of the deceaseda legislator benefitted from the wave while a widow was not so lucky.”
The by-elections to the three constituencies of Meghalaya produced mixed results. The Congress which expected to keep its stronghold over the two constituencies – Mawryngkneng and Rajabala – drew a blank. Shockingly, the NPP wrested Mawryngkneng and Rajabala from the grand old party. The UDP, predictably, quite comfortably trumped over the Congress in Mawphlang.
In Mawryngkneng the NPP candidate and sitting MDC, Pyniaid Syiem sensationally snatched the seat from the Congress. Highlander Kharmalki who came second in the 2018 elections under the flag of People’s Democratic Front (PDF) could not overcome the challenge of being a ‘non-Congressman’. Even Charles Pyngrope could not convince the supporters of his son, late David Nongrum to stand behind the party at all costs. The decision of the grand old party to play safe and award the ‘outsider’ back fired. The hope of securing the combined votes of the Congress and the PDF simply did not take place. The support of the UDP and HSPDP for the NPP was also crucial and played a major role in the downfall of the ‘common’ enemy. The final score: NPP 14,088 and INC 12, 284. The rest of the contestants do not merit a mention.
To no one’s surprise in Mawphlang the UDP defied the strong push by the Congress. Eugeneson Lyngdoh, thrust into politics by the untimely death of his father, beat his nearest rival and former Congress MLA, Kennedy Khyriem in a rather one sided contest by 4226 votes. The sympathy factor worked effectively despite the zero political experience of the former national footballer. Lamphrang Blah, MDC who resigned from the INC to suddenly throw himself in the ring at the eleventh hour at the invitation of the NPP succeeded in taking away a chunk of vote bank of the Congress to himself, thereby inflicting a defeat on the beleaguered Congress. The rhetoric of the NPP’s main protagonist and Deputy Chief Minister, Prestone Tynsong furthered the cause.
Unlike Mawphlang, sympathy was not enough for the Congress in Rajabala. Its party candidate, Hashina Yasmin Mondol could not appeal sufficiently to the voters. Stepping into the shoes of her late husband, Azad Zaman remains only a dream. The star campaigner, Mukul Sangma who had entertained thoughts of leaving the party after the MPCC post went to MP, Vincent Pala, lost the prestige battle against his arch rival and Chief Minister, Conrad Sangma. His status as undisputed leader in Garo Hills is now on slippery ground. The plains belt constituency witnessed high voltage campaign involving political heavy weights who addressed large rallies. The NPP had the last laugh in the battle that also saw clashes between rival supporters on the last day of electioneering. The NPP nominee, Abdus Saleh pulled 11812 votes as compared to the Congress challenger who had to be satisfied with 9885 votes. Saleh returns as MLA after eight years. Ashahel D Shira, another Congress MDC deserter who joined the obliging UDP just prior to the election played spoil sport for his ‘parent’ party.
The results are partially surprising. One expected sympathy and family dynastic politics to dominate in both Mawphlang and Rajabala. As it turned out, the son of the deceased legislator benefitted from the wave while a widow was not so lucky. Had the Pyngrope-Nongrum family put up a candidate in Mawryngkneng would political dynasty have joined Mawphlang in having a field day? In a way, the loss of the Congress candidate balances things out. Perhaps merit too is a factor. Probably it was also wise on the family of David Nongrum in declining the demand of his supporters. One of the glaring defects of democracy is the perpetuation of dynastic politics. Politics has been made family business. The electorate matures when emotional ties of family and clan and religious and caste considerations, are set aside in favour of merit.
Of the three MDCs only one could register a win. The number of dual post holders in the state has gone up by a single digit. Ideally, no MDC should be elected to the Assembly as long as he/she holds on to his/her chair. An MDC who resigns and then contests other elections could be given a look in. Though two MDCs fell short, this ‘stop-gap’ election has not rejected the holding of dual posts among public representatives. The implications are not fully comprehended.
The NPP and UDP are upbeat. The Congress is down (and out?). MDA partners jibe at the Congress being a divided house will be a common refrain from now on. The ‘Hand’ party, founded to fight for India’s Independence, is at an all-time low at the national level. In Meghalaya too it may be on a similar scenario. Vincent Pala has not managed to enthuse the party. He was confident of winning in all the three seats but returned with none. But who will challenge him? Mukul Sangma too has lost ground in Garo Hills. Deputy Chief Minister, Prestone Tynsong knows it too well and will now relentlessly taunt his former party as a ‘sinking ship’. Prior to 2023 more Congress MLAs and workers might jump out of the vessel to survive. Anyway, there are those who ask, “Prior to 2018 Tynsong was publicly proclaimed the great chief minister, now he is certifying Conrad Sangma as a development driven (particularly in rural areas) chief minister. In 2023, to be in power, whom will he support? Vincent Pala? Or could he himself be the Chief Minister?”
The Congress accused the MDA government of failure on all fronts. But anti-incumbency did not seem to work. The coalition partners’ loudest boast was the government’s firm resolve to shift the Sikh colony elsewhere. The second ‘achievement’ is the ‘positive steps’ toward resolving the long standing inter-state border disputes. The trump cards of the MDA government were the above. Will the tricks repeat in 2023? Inaugurations of and ribbon-cutting ceremony for some projects will also certainly feature but how do you assess anything in the absence of a Common Minimum Program (CMP)? How do we measure whether the government has achieved 90, 80, 60 or 50 per cent of its plan sans a measuring scale? So, as in by-election 2021, in 2023 the best bet for the government is rhetoric.
Hoping that the three by-elections are an indicator to 2023 all contesting parties gave their all – human support and capital resources to woo voters. Chief Minister, Conrad Sangma made Rajabala a prestige election versus Mukul Sangma of the Congress and stationed in loco for several days there besides starring at rallies in Mawryngkneng and Mawphlang. The UDP’s heavy weights were omni-present in all the three constituencies. The Opposition Congress assigned the most recognisable faces among all in the three battle fields with its new president, Vincent Pala addressing meetings hoping for a hat-trick victory. The Congress feared that the enriched NPP and UDP (candidly confirmed by UDP’s supremo, Metbah Lyngdoh), may be from illegal coal business, would buy voters. Money does talk. Whoever has will throw it all to be in the more lucrative position. To what extent mammon was decisive will be heard later.
Two of three winners are maiden entrants into the Legislative Assembly. Though generous promises were made during the election trail the electors need not look forward to anything great in the next one year or so. In the next election the same persons will say, ‘The time was too short. In 14 months it was not possible for me to bring in development. Vote this time too and I will build all the infrastructure.’
Violation of COVID protocols were seen almost every day during election campaigns. Footages of mammoth rallies in cramped venues especially in Rajabala in the last days were uploaded on social media and reported in the press. The common people will continue to wonder as to why the bureaucrats continue to give a free hand to the politicians while they are harassed under the same rules.
Debates and analysis will more vigorously speculate whether the trio by-elections in which the NPP is the biggest winner, the UDP second winner and Congress is the chief loser, are the semi-finals of 2023. The MDA coalition partners will hope so while the Congress will insist otherwise. A neutral observer may opt for a ‘no’ opinion as the resources of the present government will be spread all over the 60 constituencies in 2023 as opposed to the confined territories of the two in East Khasi Hills and the one in West Garo Hills. But who knows?
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