Saturday, November 16, 2024
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More power to the VPP

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By Albert Thyrniang

The 11th Assembly has been constituted and the MDA 2.0 government has already been sworn with Conrad Sangma as the 12th Chief Minister for the second straight term. The chief minister and other would-be-ministers were seen attending a short prayer service led by Archbishop of Shillong, Rev Victor Lyngdoh. There is nothing wrong with it only that if tomorrow a sadhu or a mullah is invited then there should be no complains. In a secular country prayer is private. It is understood that the function took place in the Chief Minister’s chamber. Is it a private space? More importantly politicians invoke God before assuming office but ungodly activities do take place while in public service. More about the swearing in ceremony, attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi later but for the time being we look back before beholding the future.

VPP the surprise package

The Voice of the People’s Party is the surprise package of the general elections 2023. The newest home-grown party exceed expectations by winning four seats. The most sensational win came from Mawlai where the novice Brightstarwell Marbaniang left two heavy weights, UDP’s candidate and the former MLA, PT Sawkmie and NPP’s nominee and local MDC Teibor Pathaw way behind leading many to shower accolades on the Constituency calling the electorate the smartest lot.   The election speeches of the educated candidates reached all the nooks and corners of the state. The citizens of the state particularly the youth were impressed by the ideology, ideals and vision of the 2021 floated party. The popularity of VPP caused a flutter in political circles. The campaign focused on plans to weed out corruption and cleanse the political system while vehemently blaming the MDA-1 for its ‘high level’ culture and alleged perpetuation of scams and corruption. Besides the supremo, Ardent Basaiawmoit, Mayborn Lyngdoh from Pynthorumkhrah (who could not make it to the Legislative Assembly falling short of numbers pitted as he was against the long serving legislator, AL Hek) was a hit. The ex ad-hoc teacher who famously called out Dasakhiatbha Lamare for purchasing the expressive Lamborghini  while his then constituency has no road, captivated everyone with his oratorical skills. There are already calls for him to contest the MP elections next year. The aspirational youths of the state see in the “Prah” (winnower, symbol of VPP) their only hope.

The image of VPP went up manifold when the party placed their terms and conditions in exchange for their support to any government. Who will not admire the stand in ruling out any truck with the NPP and BJP for the ‘five years of corruption and misrule’ and for the communal tag? Who will not support the insistence of doing away with the VIP culture in the state? Who will not appreciate the firmness to adopt austere measures to avoid unnecessary government expenditure, like political appointments? After the failed and half-hearted attempt to form a regional government led by the disinterested UDP, the only party that can hold its head high is the VPP. It is now the most favoured political party in the eastern part of the state.

Contradictions under one umbrella 

BJP’s strong man, Amit Shah called Meghalaya the most corrupt state in the country but even before the results were out the party invited Conrad Sangma to meet Himanta Biswa Sarma to discuss government formation. The BJP was the first to offer support to the NPP soon after the results. Without any shame left, the BJP embraced the very party that presided over that most corrupt administration. The claim of zero tolerance to corruption has been once and for all deflated. Conrad Sangma, in the meantime, warned TMC’s supremo, Mamata Banerjee that her newly elected MLAs would join the BJP soon after March 2 but he himself is in constant nexus with the TMC’s biggest rival.

Soon after parting ways with the NPP at the end of last term, the UPP, HSPDP and PDF repeatedly screamed in public that the ‘High Level’ belonged to the NPP alone. However, not long after the declaration of results, they even ‘betrayed’ the people and lined up to hand over letters of support to the party they hated during the campaigns. They don’t mind sitting on the ‘roof of the NPP bus’ reserved for them by Prestone Tynsong. These contradictions will be suppressed for the sake of power and will re-emerge in 2027-28. Preaching during election is only to fool the people for five years as confessed by the deputy chief minister. Politicians don’t mean what they say and don’t say what they mean.

Polarisation between Khasi Hills and Garo Hills 

Unfortunately there seems to be a polarisation between the two regions. The UDP is perceived as a Khasi Hills party. Attempts were also made to portray NPP as a Garo Hills party. The UDP could not win any seats from Garo Hills. The tally of NPP in Khasi-Jaintia Hills was reduced to eight purportedly due to the anti-NPP sentiments here. The Congress could secure only one seat in Garo Hills. Its leader is from Khasi Hills. The reverse happened to the TMC because the de facto leader hails from Garo Hills.

The polarisation threatened to amplify and its ugly head manifested post announcement of results. ‘Vested interests’ demanded that this time the Chief Minister should be from Khasi-Jaintia Hills since for more than 10 years chief ministers have been from Garo Hills. Communal feelings threatened to undermine the democratic process. The danger of chaos was looming large. Fortunate it was quickly doused off. The two HSPDP MLAs who did the disappearing act were immediately branded as traitors of the ‘Jaitbynriew’ (Khasi race). Miscreants burnt their property at Laitumkhrah, pressure groups protested, set afire their effigies and even intimidated family members of the duo. The pressure groups beat a hasty retreat when videos emerged that the voters of Mawthadrashan and Mawshynrut ‘authorised’ the move of the newly elected MLAs to ally with the NPP. For once rural Meghalaya decided their own destiny and did not allow Shillong based groups to dictate terms to them.

In contrast the Nongstoin-Wahkaji-Ranikor two-lane road project was scrapped a few years ago because groups from outside were allowed to have an upper hand. The plea for development is justified but ironically the MLAs of both constituencies were part of the last government.  

Decisions for Meghalaya made by Assam

As soon as the polls were over Meghalaya’s chief minister, Conrad Sangma was summoned to Guwahati and ‘instructed’ by his Assam counterpart regarding government formation post confirmation of results. This is nothing new. It is seen that Assam bas been taking decisions for Meghalaya. The Assam-Meghalaya border talks were at the behest of Assam chief minister. The MOU was signed at the pleasure of the most powerful BJP man in the neighbouring state. In the next five years more and more developments will take place to prove that our leaders are only ‘yes’ men to the diktat of our ‘big brother’.

Mukul too responsible

The biggest losers in the February 2023 elections are the Congress and Mukul Sangma. NPP came back to power because of the split in the Congress. When the chips were down the two-time chief minister deserted the grand old party. Had he been patient and stuck around with the Congress he would have been at the helm of affairs again by now. Instead, he defected to the TMC along with 12 MLAs. Now he has only five elected ‘followers’. He has managed to marginalise the Congress at the same time reducing the grand old party to as many seats. There is no doubt that the TMC and the Congress split votes to benefit the NPP and the regional parties. If there was no exodus the INC would have secured an easy majority. The Songsak legislator tried to intervene to cobble up numbers for an alternative anti-NPP/BJP alliance but from day one his failure for such a dream was looming large.

 BJP Static

The BJP has to be satisfied again with 2 seats from its strongholds, Pynthor-Umkhrah and Laban. The position of the saffron party has been static for ever since it made an entry in the state in the 1980s. This time the party contested in 59 constituencies promising to return with sufficient numbers to install a ‘Modi Sarkar’ in the hill state as well. However, the electorate rejected the ‘sabka-saath-sabkavikassabka– vishwas’ party handsomely. Modi does not seem to have much impact here and the party is satisfied in riding on the shoulders of the NPP. The RSS and other groups, wings of the BJP and effectively of NPP as opposed to HITO and HYC the alleged wings of certain political parties, will relentlessly endure to work for rise of the BJP but hope the citizens of the state will also continue to keep them at bay.

VPP is the only positive of 2023.  More power to it. If the party plays its role well in the Opposition Meghalaya has reasons for hope and progress.

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