Friday, December 13, 2024
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Students’ Politics in the Hynñiewtrep Land: From 1908 to 1978

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By Kyrsoibor Pyrtuh

On the occasion of the 45th anniversary of the Khasi Students’ Union (KSU) I would like to briefly present the historical accounts of students’ engagements in the socio- political life of Hynñiewtrep since the 19th Century AD. Such engagements have produced students who later became writers, thinkers and exemplary community leaders.
Despite several odds, the Khasi students had already become assertive from the early part of the 19th century. In March 1908, the Khasi students, under the leadership of Babu Dohory Ropmay and Chandra Nath Roy, came together as a collective to question the new rules imposed on the students by the Calcutta University. The meeting was convened on March 8, 1908 in Shillong Government High School Hall to deliberate on the matter. Amongst others who spoke, Rev J.C Evans, while expressing concern at the apathy and thin attendance at the meeting, unequivocally stated that the new rules of the University would put the Khasi students at a disadvantage and hamper the future growth of education in these hills for the following reasons – (i) the news rules would do away with fixed courses in English and in effect gave the University the liberty to frame questions from any English book or chapter for the Entrance and I.A examinations. This would mean that students should have an in-depth knowledge of English so as to compete in the examinations which was difficult for any Khasi student then (ii) the Khasi vernacular was withdrawn as a subject and this meant that the Khasi students must write their composition in English and not in their own language. This would become a major handicap for Khasi students as majority of them were first generation learners and had just begun to grasp the multi facets of modern education, (iii) as the Khasi vernacular would no longer be a compulsory subject, the students would have to opt for Bengali or Assamese, while the Latin language remained as difficult as before. All these factors would adversely impact the Khasi students and make it difficult for them to even clear the University Matriculation Examination. Hence the students’ collective resolved to petition the authority and seek redress. Consequently, the petition was submitted to the Chief Secretary to the Government of E.B & Assam Shillong, on June 24 1908. (U Nongialam Khristan March 1908)
The students’ collective strongly registered their protest and categorically stated, “While in recent years Khasi was included in the list of second languages and was one of the subjects in the Entrance Examination and especially girl students were allowed to study Khasi till I.A. But the new rules completely disallowed the same and Khasi was de-listed as a vernacular subject. The Khasi students strongly felt that they were treated unfairly and unlike other students, the new rules would not allow them to write the answers on History of India in their own language.
The petition also listed the data that in recent years about 45 Khasi students cleared the Entrance Examinations and 18 of them passed the F.A examinations, while 6 others cleared the B.A which also included two girl students. The new rules were nothing but an act of disengagement with the community. The rulers must ensure that the prospects of modern education were shared with the people they ruled. The Khasi language was here to stay for generations and there were signs of improvement as Khasi newspapers and books were published in the recent past…”Though the community lagged behind, we aspire to be at par with others…” (U Nongialam Khristan July 1908).
When India attained Independence in 1947, there was intense political wrangling in the region and there were sharp divisions of opinions between the major warring political groups, viz the Federation of Khasi States, the conglomerate of Khasi States which acceded to Dominion of India via the Instrument of Accession and the Khasi-Jaiñtia Federated State National Conference which espoused the formulation of the Sixth Schedule. The latter prevailed in the Constituent Assembly and Khasi States were relegated to the Sixth Schedule.
The Khasi students’ community have carved their own space in the political landscape of the region. During the inauguration of the United Khasi & Jaiñtia Autonomous Districts on 27 June 1952, simultaneously the students organized the first ever Black Flag demonstration against the idea of District Councils and the nomination of six members to the Council. Thereafter, the Khasi Students Association (KSA) was founded in 1955 with the objectives of imbibing the spirit of solidarity amongst students and to promote education, learning, morality and to uplift the socio-economic well-being of the Nation (Constitution of Khasi Students Association 1955).
The KSA elected H.O Mawrie and Bhiren Singh Thangkhiew as its first President and General Secretary respectively, but it also included women like Elizabeth Massar, Perlimai Syiem and Maureen Sylvia Lyngdoh in the central leadership. In its 20 year journey until the last election in 1975, the KSA will be remembered as the students’ collective which took great interest in the intellectual, moral and physical development of the students. (Proceedings of KSA)
What underscores the Khasi Students’ Union (KSU) since its formation in 1978 is the identity politics and the three tier council system that the Union had developed with the Central Executive Council as the apex body, the General Executive Council and General Council way down the hierarchy. The KSU is being criticized for its extremism and over the years it has organized units in colleges, university and residential localities through which it reaches its plans and programs to the people.
The year 1987 marked the height of the agitational politics of the KSU whereby all educational institutions were shut down for months and violence erupted which resulted in the loss of lives and property. However, there were also serious engagements between the Government and the agitating students who had camped in front of the Main Secretariat for several weeks. The Government of the day did engage with the KSU in the three days marathon meeting on July 6,7 and 8, 1987. The minutes of the meeting were published and it can be construed that both the Government and the KSU had reached an understanding on how to resolve the various demands raised by the Union. Still there are two contentious issues, viz the Inner Line Permit (ILP) and Reservation for tribals in all the 60 seats in the State Assembly. The State Government eventually referred both the demands to the Centre. On the Reservation of seats, the State government had given a categorical explanation that the Centre was not willing to amend the Constitution. (Ka Jingiamir Jingmut Jong Ka Sorkar Meghalaya bad KSU, DIPR)
Five years from now the KSU will turn fifty and as it prepares for that historic moment, the KSU needs to engage in serious introspection. The leadership of today must ask these questions; Is it not the time to make amends and do a course correction? Is it not time to relook at the various demands which had been raised in the past four decades?
On a personal note, I became conscious of the KSU’s activism when I was in class 9 at Mawkhar Christian High School in the late 80s. Several times I would spend the afternoon after school and gaze at the public meetings organized by the KSU in Motphran and also listen to the captivating speeches of Bull Lyngdoh who was the President then. There was this line which Bull Lyngdoh would utter in every meeting and which is still stuck in my head. He said, “Bah Bull would flatten the Bawri Mansion.” Ever since, I perceived this quote in a metaphorical sense and learnt to interpret it as a fait accompli that if ever the KSU is to protect this miniscule tribal community it is to stand against the big capitalists, from both within and outside the land as these big capitalists have no interest to protect and develop the community, but only to capture the land and maximize profits.
Today, there is a sharp inequality amongst tribals. The rich tribal elite is at the helm of affairs and the politician-bureaucrat-business nexus is so entrenched that all our land and resources will soon be sold to the highest bidder (s) who come from far away land (s).
The KSU must also address the issue of the participation of girl students in the central leadership of the Union. In the paper entitled , Role of Women in Student Movements in Meghalaya (1995), R. Borgohain and E. Laitflang pungently remarked, “…however the KSU has made certain concessions to female members by inserting the word “she” in Article 7 of the amended constitution in 1993 which says “to be eligible to hold an office in Central Executive Council he/she should be…”However…the provision enabling women to play a more effective role is in cold storage… there is an opinion that these changes were brought not to facilitate women, but to enable certain groups to mobilize women supporters.”
As a parting shot I would like to say that the KSU leadership must ensure that student politics is not hijacked by the far-right group(s).

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