By Thanggoulen Kipgen
On May 3, 2023, the All Tribal Students Union Manipur (ATSUM) organised a “Tribal Solidarity March” in all the hill districts of Manipur against the demand for inclusion of the dominant Meitei community into the Scheduled Tribe lists of the Constitution of India. The rally concluded peacefully in the hill districts, though highways were blocked in a few places in the valley by some Meitei volunteers to express their displeasure at the peaceful rally. A group of unknown miscreants burned the Anglo-Kuki War Centenary Gate in the Churachandpur district and then fled thereby infuriating the locals. The tribals and the Meiteis immediately engaged in a bloody battle in the Torbung and Kangvai areas of Churachandpur district. Many people died and hundreds of homes were destroyed on that tragic night. The violence spread to the Imphal valley as Kuki-Zo dominated localities were attacked and their houses burned down, including churches.
The Indian military has been ordered to “shoot at sight” as the violence has spiralled out of control. This conflict is the culmination of long-standing discontentment among the tribals of Manipur including the recent infamous, “ Three Bills” issue, in which eight tribals lost their lives in 2015; the forcible eviction and declaration of Kuki villages by declaring their habitation as Reserved Forest or Protected Forest; the by-passing of the Hill Area Committee (HAC) of the Manipur Legislative Assembly in matters pertaining to the tribals, among other grievances.
Since the outbreak of violence, targeted communities from both parties have sought refuge in army garrisons. An estimated 30,000 Kuki-Zo have sought refuge in Imphal Valley military cantonments and garrisons. Similarly, a few hundred Meitei also took refuge in army camps in Moreh and Churachandpur. In the days that followed, the Imphal valley saw lynchings, arsons, and lootings. Except for state government employees in uniform and a handful who have chosen to die in their homes, no Kuki-Zo or Meiteis remain in the valley or the hills following the evacuation operation. Statement from the Global Naga Forum and Professor Kham Khan Suan, writing in the Indian Express, have referred to this massive communal conflict as an “institutionalised riot system” (IRS) because of its planned and impromptu nature as well as its religious and populist underpinnings. Paolienlal Haokip, a member of the Manipur Legislative Assembly, called it “ethnic cleansing” of the Kukis in an interview with ‘The Wire.’ The Kuki Inpi USA and the Kuki Support Centre USA in their memorandum to the Embassy of India, Washington made similar claims.
Several states, including Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, West Bengal, and Haryana, have evacuated students and others stranded in violence-hit Manipur through special arrangements. The forced evacuation of the Kuki-Zo from the Imphal valley to the hills, and the Meiteis from the hills to the valley, was the most traumatic and profound event. Both communities have had to be evacuated within the state, and thousands are taking flights to larger cities, including Delhi, Kolkata, Guwahati, Aizawl, Shillong, and Bangalore for safety. State-run shelters and rehabilitation facilities do not exist. CSOs and churches have been playing crucial roles in rehabilitating victims of violence, particularly in the hills. The Kuki-Zos’ hasty and haphazard evacuation to the hills and the Meiteis’ to the valley pose significant challenges. This exercise is not a panacea and should not be used as such to defuse tensions. The ramifications of this are enormous.
The first is the psychological toll that being forced to flee violent conflicts might take. Trauma, loss, and confusion are common reactions among those who have been uprooted from their homes and communities. Depression, anxiety, and a sense of loss of community are only some of the long-term psychological effects of being uprooted against one’s will. Second, the upheaval of social structures and networks is already in full swing when an entire community is uprooted. Both the affected individuals and the community have suffered from a breakdown in their social networks. Third, relocating and segregating populations along racial and geographical lines sheds light on who truly belongs where and why. It is an exchange of people based on ethnic identity. The long-term effects of this on the relationship between the hills and the valley will be devastating. It has exacerbated the ongoing cycle of mistrust, fear, and animosity, as well as erected real and perceptible boundaries along ethnic lines. It could lead to more strenuous efforts to form ethnic enclaves and neighbourhoods where one group dominates, and others are not welcome. If this does happen, it will disproportionately affect minority communities and could stoke further ethnic tensions.
The administration has failed miserably to address the problem associated with evacuation and has no idea what to do about the massive strain on resources caused by the influx of evacuees in need of food, housing, and medical care for victims of the violence. If the government is responsible for returning the victims to their homes, when will that happen? Is this evacuation meant to be a temporary measure until permanent physical security measures can be put in place? Does this mean that relocation is irreversible and that people need to start over with new social and physical structures? State governments and affected communities need to take these inquiries very seriously.
As fighting and violence persist, the Kuki-Zo people have blocked national highways to express their frustration with the government’s inaction. Outside of the state, in cities like Shillong and Delhi, conflicts between the two populations have also been reported, fuelling further outrage and violence. Most obviously, the ethnic schism, resentment, and suspicion are intensifying in online communities like Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp. False information and counter-arguments have been flooding online communities. The situation, though claimed by the Chief Minister of Manipur, is returning to normal on various occasions, is not close to normal, with tensions still high on both sides.
Manipur is at a crucial stage in resolving the mounting ethnic tensions and conflicts. First, there is an urgent need for the proper rehabilitation of victims of the conflict. While ensuring the safety and protection of individuals affected by the ethnic conflict is paramount, mass evacuation should not be viewed as the ideal long-term solution. Evacuation does not address the root causes of the conflict and does not in any way promote reconciliation. Instead, efforts should be focused on finding peaceful and sustainable solutions, fostering dialogue, and building trust that embraces diversity and resolve conflicts through peaceful means.
Secondly, now that the evacuation is complete, it is a good time to begin dialogues and discussions with all parties involved. Interestingly, on May 12, 2023, ten Legislative Assembly members demanded “separate administration” for the Kuki-Zo people in Manipur, stating that, “as the State of Manipur has miserably failed to protect us, we seek of the Union of India a SEPARATE ADMINISTRATION under the Constitution of India and to live peacefully as neighbours with the State of Manipur”. This declaration is an outward sign of the growing distrust the tribal people have in the state’s current leadership. The Chief Minister of the state is under increasing pressure and might eventually resign, but the affected tribals may refuse to settle for anything less than a separate administration considering their growing discontentment.
Third, if claims about radical groups such as the Arambai Tenggol and the Meitei Leepun leading the assault on the Kukis are genuine, then they must be investigated. The validity of long-standing democratic institutions can be threatened by radical organisations. The climate of instability and continuing violence they foster by advocating violence and rejecting peaceful co-existence makes long-term peace and harmony elusive.
Fourth, mass evacuation based on ethnic lines is a manifestation of a severe breakdown of law and order, quite similar to the partition of 1947. Therefore, it is imperative that both the central and state governments exert considerable effort to address this issue. The Chief Minister, instead of claiming that things have gone back to normal, should take this matter seriously. Likewise, because of their preoccupation with the Karnataka election, the central government has paid little attention to the problem in Manipur. It’s no wonder that Northeast issues have always been neglected, unless they concern China. Early central intervention could have helped put the situation under control, but it appears that opportunity has been wasted. Considering Kuki-Zo’s representative’s open statement calling for a separate administration and their general dissatisfaction, this conflict is likely to drag on for some time.
(The author is an Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at IIT Kanpur)