New Delhi, March 21: The vandalism at the historic residence of Mujibur Rahman on February 5-6 has reverberated throughout Bangladesh and beyond, igniting a wave of outrage and concern.
As the nation navigates a period of political instability under an interim government, these audacious attacks on a site emblematic of Bangladesh’s Liberation War raise critical questions about governance, law enforcement, and the dedication to safeguarding national heritage.
The pressing inquiry is clear: How can a government that professes to champion democratic ideals and honour the legacy of independence permit such egregious violations against the very symbols of its foundation? Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, revered as the founding father of Bangladesh, was instrumental in the nation’s fight for independence from Pakistan.
His residence at 32 Dhanmondi in Dhaka transcends mere bricks and mortar – it stands as a hallowed site of historical and emotional resonance. It was within these walls that Mujib made pivotal decisions during the fraught lead-up to the 1971 Liberation War.
Tragically, it was also here that he and most of his family met their untimely demise on August 15, 1975, marking one of the most harrowing episodes in Bangladesh’s narrative. Transformed into the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum, the house drew visitors from across the globe, eager to grasp the sacrifices that forged Bangladesh’s independence.
Given its immense significance, any act of vandalism against this site is not merely a crime, it is an affront to the nation’s collective memory. Mujib’s poignant words resonate now more than ever: “Write my name in place of the father’s name of the girls raped during the Liberation War, and give the address ’32-Dhanmondi’.
These sentiments encapsulate his unwavering dedication to the people, a legacy that is now under siege. The interim government of Bangladesh, led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus assumed power with the promise of creating a neutral atmosphere for forthcoming elections.
However, it has become increasingly evident that this administration is either unable or unwilling to address the recent wave of vandalism sweeping the nation. While political strife is not new to Bangladesh, the recent violent incidents point to a more profound issue: a government that may be either complicit in or grossly negligent of these actions.
One particularly alarming development is the emergence of bulldozer rallies, which have been repurposed as instruments of destruction. These events, initially framed as political protests, have been systematically directed at the Dhanmondi.
The organised and deliberate nature of these assaults raises troubling questions about potential state complicity or, at the very least, a troubling lack of action. Disturbingly, eyewitness accounts and video evidence from the demolition site reveal the presence of an ISIS flag during the chaos, highlighting the involvement of radical factions in these acts of violence.
This situation points to a perilous connection between the interim government and extremist Islamic groups, notably Hizb ut-Tahrir, which seems to have gained traction during this administration. Despite the outcry from civil society and international observers, the interim government’s response has been tepid at best.
There have been no swift arrests, and official communications have been vague, if not outright dismissive. This raises critical concerns about the rule of law and the government’s commitment to its citizens.
If the state fails to safeguard the very symbols of its liberation struggle, what confidence can the public have in its ability to protect its people? In examining the assaults on Mujibur’s House, it is crucial to scrutinise the involvement of prominent political figures, extremist groups, social media influencers and foreign intelligence agencies.
The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan has been frequently implicated in interfering with Bangladesh’s political dynamics, and its potential role in inciting radical factions cannot be overlooked.
It should be noted that recently ISI’s Chief visited Bangladesh. It should be also mentioned that this was the maiden visit of any ISI chief after 1971. Evidence indicates that ISI agents have extended both ideological and logistical assistance to organisations like Hizb ut-Tahrir, which is actively engaged in efforts to undermine Bangladesh’s secular governance.
Moreover, figures such as YouTuber Pinaki Bhattacharya have significantly influenced the narrative surrounding these targetted attacks. Bhattacharya, recognised for his provocative political commentary, has been accused of promoting divisive rhetoric that empowers extremist groups.
On the eve of this vandalism, Pinaki was also seen to have directly incited a mob, through his Facebook account, to demolish the 32 Dhanmondi using a bulldozer. His impact, alongside that of other political influencers, has fostered an environment where acts of vandalism are not merely tolerated but, in some circles, even encouraged.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) also plays a pivotal role in this context. With a longstanding history of attempting to erode the legacy of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the party often aligns itself with factions that seek to diminish his stature in Bangladesh’s political and historical narrative.
During the February 5 vandalism and subsequent demolition of Bangabandhu’s residence, media reported that Ayesha Akhter Dina, a leader of the BNP Women cell of Narayanganj city, provided the bulldozers that were used in the demolition. Although BNP leaders have publicly distanced themselves from any direct involvement in the attacks, their reticence to denounce these actions also clearly hints at either tacit approval or a calculated political strategy.
Radical Islamic factions have increasingly influenced the recent wave of destruction in Bangladesh, with the display of an ISIS flag during the demolitions serving as a stark reminder of their growing presence amid the nation’s political chaos. These groups, notorious for their efforts to obliterate historical narratives that clash with their extremist ideologies, seem to have found unexpected support within the interim government.
Hizb ut-Tahrir, in particular, has drawn attention for its long-standing agenda to undermine Bangladesh’s secular framework in favour of a more radical one. The government’s inability to rein in their activities raises alarming questions about its potential complicity with these extremist elements.
The assault on historical sites has not been limited to Mujibur’s House; other significant monuments tied to the nation’s political heritage, especially those linked to key figures from the Liberation War, have also fallen victim to this campaign of erasure. These deliberate actions indicate a concerted effort to obliterate vital symbols of Bangladesh’s political and historical identity.
The destruction of these landmarks transcends mere political vengeance; it represents a systematic attempt to dismantle the very foundations of the country’s narrative of independence. In the midst of this turmoil, the inaction of Bangladesh’s military stands out as a glaring failure.
Tasked with ensuring security and stability, the armed forces remained largely passive while historic sites were systematically destroyed. Given the organised nature of these attacks, the military’s lack of intervention raises serious doubts about its impartiality and operational effectiveness.
Whether this inaction stems from a deliberate choice or is a result of higher political directives, it paints a disconcerting picture of the current state of governance and institutional integrity in Bangladesh.
The Indian government has issued a strong denunciation of the recent vandalism at the residence of Mujibur Rahman, characterising it as an affront to the intertwined histories of India and Bangladesh.
Officials in New Delhi underscored the necessity of safeguarding the legacy of Bangladesh’s fight for independence, calling on the Dhaka administration to take stringent measures against the perpetrators.
As a pivotal ally during the 1971 Liberation War, India has voiced alarm over the growing power of extremist factions and the potential interference of external entities, such as the ISI, in undermining Bangladesh’s secular principles.
Against this background, a great amount of Anti-India rhetoric has also floated in Bangladesh where interim government’s advisors like Nahid Islam and Touhid Hossain accused India of helping Sheikh Hasina to destabilise Bangladesh from its soil.
Foreign Affairs Advisor Touhid Hossain also summoned the acting High Commissioner of India to Dhaka and handed him a letter of protest over this issue. This act of vandalism transcends mere property damage, it highlights a more profound malaise within Bangladesh’s political landscape and governance.
An interim government that fails to protect the nation’s historical sites demonstrates an inability to conduct free and fair elections or uphold the tenets of democracy. For Bangladesh to truly honour its heritage and secure a prosperous future, it must confront and eliminate those who aim to obliterate or manipulate its historical narrative. (Deepak Kumar is an Indian security and strategic affairs analyst specialising in geo-politics and geo-economics. Views expressed are personal)