By H. H. Mohrmen
The concept of the well-being of all, or the common good—ka bhalang ka imlang sahlang or ka bhalang uba bun balang—used to be at the very core of the worldview of the Khasi and Jaintia people of Meghalaya. It was a deeply rooted, community-centered philosophy that placed collective welfare above individual gain. This worldview emphasised that the survival, dignity, and prosperity of the individual were inseparable from the well-being of the community as a whole. For generations, this value system was shared by every member of the jaidbynriew, or the community. However, as time passed and social structures have undergone significant changes, this profound worldview has gradually been pushed to the back-burner.
Like many indigenous peoples across the world, the Pnar and War communities have traditionally been close-knit societies. Living in intimate proximity to forests, rivers, and farmlands, they developed a deep and respectful relationship with nature. Their lives revolved around an understanding that human well-being and the sustainability of nature are interdependent. As such, the well-being of the community and the protection of the natural environment were seen not as separate concerns but as integral to their existence. It is for this reason that the common good and collective well-being came to define the worldview of the Pnar and War people, a worldview clearly reflected in their culture, religion, social institutions, and everyday practices.
The idea of the common good is not an abstract principle but a lived value system intrinsic to the community. It finds expression in various aspects of social life, including rituals surrounding death, systems of mutual support, labour exchange, and even traditional governance. These practices illustrate how the collective took responsibility for individuals, particularly during times of vulnerability, thereby ensuring that no one was left to face hardship alone.
Community Practices During Bereavement
Practices surrounding death within the community are distinct and offer a powerful illustration of collective strength and solidarity. Among the Pnar and War communities, bereavement is not seen as a private matter confined to the immediate family but as a shared responsibility of the wider community. These practices are a true representation of the principle of ‘tip kur tip kha’, which emphasises respect and responsibility towards both the maternal and paternal sides of the family.
When a death occurs, members of the community come together to share their time, labour, and emotional support with the bereaved family. Among the War Jaiñtia community, the tradition of visiting the bereaved family is known as lea or ‘lia beh dot’. It is considered mandatory for each household to visit the bereaved family at least once during their time of sorrow. Within the framework of traditional religion, specific family members are assigned distinct roles in the performance of last rites, reinforcing collective responsibility and order.
If death happens away from home the body of the deceased is taken to his/her residence and laid in state for one or two days. This allows families, relatives, friends, and neighbours to visit, express sympathy, and speak about the life of the departed with the bereaved family. Such practices play an important role in the healing process and help bring emotional closure. Because the body is kept in the house, even younger members of the family are introduced to death as a natural reality of life at an early age, fostering acceptance rather than fear.
Community visits do not end with cremation. They continue throughout the mourning period, which traditionally lasts for at least three months. Among the Pnar, this practice is known as ‘lai nam, li nam, or lai li nam’ meaning visiting the bereaved family to pay respects. Those who are unable to attend the funeral or cremation may still visit during the mourning period. During these visits, relatives and friends often extend practical assistance. Women, in particular, help with household chores, enabling the bereaved family to attend to the needs of visiting relatives and guests. Male members of the community assist in activities that reduce the physical and emotional burden on the family.
The practice of ‘ja-nam’, or visiting with cooked rice, is still observed, especially among followers of the traditional Niamtre religion. After the last rites, friends, neighbours, and relatives take turns bringing food, known as ‘ja-nam’. While not a religious ritual in itself, ‘ja-nam’ forms part of the final tribute to the deceased and provides essential support to the bereaved family. Here, ‘ja’ refers to cooked rice, while ‘nam’ denotes the act of visiting to express sympathy. Each day, one or two families bring food to ensure that the bereaved household does not go hungry throughout the mourning period.
Traditionally, a plate of ‘ja- nam’ consists of red rice, one egg, and a few pieces of pork cooked with sesame seeds, a Pnar delicacy known as ‘doh seiñ or doh chet nai-ïong’. This simple but meaningful act reinforces the idea that sustenance, like sorrow, is to be shared.
Other important Niamtre practices include ‘li booh and li choo khon’, which literally mean “to drop” and “to bring back.” These rituals take place after the death of the father and one day after cremation. Traditionally, the body of the deceased father is taken to the ‘ïung blai or kmai ïung’, the clan’s ancestral house, where it remains until cremation. The day after cremation, the family cleans the house, washes all clothing, and performs purification baths.
Before sunset on the same day, the widowed wife and her children are ceremonially brought back to their maternal clan’s house, while the paternal relatives are escorted back to their ancestral home. In both households, small meetings are held where families reaffirm their commitment to maintain and strengthen relationships between ‘ki kha ki man’, the paternal relatives, and the children. Even in death, the principle of ‘tip kur tip kha’ is upheld, reinforcing continuity, kinship, and collective responsibility.
Community Support Systems
Community support also extends to other significant life events. In the southern parts of the district, the War Jaiñtia people practice a tradition known as ‘ka chep’, the donation of money or goods. ‘Chep’ is offered during times of sorrow as well as on joyous occasions such as weddings and ceremonies. When attending a funeral or cremation in a War village, it is customary to offer ‘chep’ to the bereaved family. Even those unable to attend can send their contribution through relatives, friends, or neighbours. During weddings, families receiving chep are expected to reciprocate by sending food prepared for the feast.
Another important support system is ‘jakhonboo,’ similar to ja nam, where food is offered to a mother who has recently given birth. This practice ensures that the mother is properly nourished during a period when she is unable to work. The food typically includes ‘jakhoo or khoo soo’, red rice, eggs, and pieces of ‘doh seiñ’. This tradition, still practiced among Niamtre followers, reflects the community’s care for both mother and child.
Community Exchange of Labour
Community sharing of labour, known as ‘chunong’, has been central to agricultural life. Rice cultivation, a major livelihood activity, requires assistance at various stages such as ploughing, sowing, and harvesting. Under ‘chunong’, each household contributes at least one member to assist neighbours or friends. No wages are paid; instead, the farm owner provides food for the day. Among the War people, this practice was known as ‘ïah kurui lok’. Over time, ‘chunong’ has also been extended to house construction and other communal tasks, though it is unfortunately becoming a dying tradition.
Weddings, too, remain community affairs in many villages. Every member of society has a role, from constructing the pandal to cooking and serving food. These events exemplify collective responsibility and shared celebration.
Another labour-sharing tradition, ‘longhai’, associated with weeding in jhum cultivation, is still practised in a few War villages. During longhai, farmers sing ‘phawer’, witty and wise verses sung in chorus throughout the day. There are designated left and right singers who lead the songs. Participants bring their own food, and the host ensures an ample supply of rice beer. Sadly, this tradition, like many others, is slowly fading.
Traditional Offices as an Extension of the Common Good
Traditional grassroots institutions such as the ‘Dorbar Shnong’ and the office of the ‘Rangbah Shnong’ or ‘Waheh Chnong’ are also rooted in the pursuit of the common good. These offices were traditionally voluntary and pro bono in nature. The role of a headman was seen as a service to the community rather than a source of monetary benefit. The ultimate goal was to leave behind a legacy of service and integrity.
Unfortunately, in contemporary times, the original spirit of these institutions has weakened. While they remain voluntary by tradition, the pursuit of monetary gain and political favour has increasingly overshadowed their original purpose. This shift reflects a broader erosion of the collective worldview that once defined community life.
The gradual decline of these practices signals not merely the end of cultural change but the weakening of a worldview that prioritised collective well-being. Reviving and revaluing these traditions may be essential if the community is to reclaim the ethical foundations that once sustained it.
