By Bhogtoram Mawroh
In recent times, the BJP has been making some right moves to shed the tag of being a party geared towards protecting only the interests of outsiders. It was the BJP, under the leadership of Bernard Marak that raised the issue of preventing the non-indigenous community from taking part in the ADC elections. This was argued to protect the rights of the indigenous community who are said to be reeling under the onslaught of illegal immigration. Census data reveals that while the absolute population of indigenous tribals has increased in Garo Hills, their percentage has gone down, while the non-indigenous population has indeed gone up. So, influx did take place, and the fear of the indigenous community becoming a minority in their homeland is real in Garo Hills. This is not the case in the Khasi region (i.e., Khasi Hills, Jaintia Hills and Ri Bhoi), where outmigration is the norm. The next Census is, therefore, going to be very crucial. I suspect the proportion of indigenous tribals in the Garo region might have gone down a little more, while in the Khasi region, it will go up. I hope that is the case. If not, the agitation for ILP is going to become very volatile.
However, one thing that must be kept in mind is that the non-indigenous populations in question are Bengali Muslims, a community the BJP has labeled as illegal immigrants. Of course, they are immigrants, but labeling them illegal is not justified if they have been residing in the state since Independence. While new migrants did arrive after that, it is not correct to label everyone illegal without verification. The fear of being overwhelmed by the migrant population is persistent, but the place where that has actually taken place is Tripura, and the groups involved were Bengali Hindus, not Muslims. The NRC also showed that around 19 lakhs had suspect nationality; this number is bigger than the total population of the Garos. A large number of them are Bengali Hindus.
Recently, there was controversy in Assam over the candidature of Vijay Gupta, originally from UP, for the Guwahati Central Constituency. However, BJP leadership and Gupta dismissed the charge, asserting that Gupta is Assamese. This is, of course, in keeping with Himanta Biswa Sarma’s claims that even North Indians who have stayed in Assam for a while should be considered Assamese. This is also the reason why, after the violence that claimed the life of an indigenous Karbi, the illegal Hindi-speaking settlers have still not been evicted from public lands in Karbi Anglong by the Government. This is where the recent amendment to bar the non-indigenous community from taking part in ADC elections becomes very important. Will something similar happen in Karbi Anglong and Dima Hasao? The illegal settlers in these two areas, and the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR), are not only Muslims but also Hindus. And this problem is what the BJP has to fix if it has any chance of forming the government on its own in Meghalaya, where the indigenous population is in an overwhelming majority. They did try to do just that by helping to get the amendment to bar the participation of the non-indigenous population in ADC polls. But right after that, they have done something that reinforces the perception of them prioritizing the non-indigenous community over the dignity of the indigenous community.
There is a news report that the Meghalaya unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is preparing to submit proposals to the Centre for the development of key religious and cultural sites in the State under the PRASHAD and Swadesh Darshan 2.0 schemes. One of the proposed sites is the Mawjymbuin Cave in Mawsynram, which was at the centre of a storm last year. Immigrants from outside the state are claiming the site holds religious significance, since the natural formation resembles a Shivalinga, a symbol of the Hindu god Shiva. This was contested by the local indigenous community, which has always maintained it to be a natural formation and a tourist site with no connection to Hinduism, which is a Niam-Dkhar, i.e., a foreign religion. By that logic, every single limestone cave in the state can also be turned into a religious site.
Ultimately, this could be an attempt to somehow include the indigenous territories of the Khasi as part of the larger mythical Hindu past known as Akhand Bharat. The fact that the Khasi are an older people whose language, culture, and traditions are more ancient than Sanskrit and Hinduism itself is being deliberately ignored. For the followers of Niam Khasi, this is particularly dangerous as their distinct identity is being threatened with assimilation. This is particularly happening at a time when the struggle for distinct recognition under the Census is becoming critical. If Khasi territories have Hindu sites (not man-made but natural), then the argument that indigenous peoples like the Khasi are not adivasi (ancient settlers) but simply vanvasi (which simply means forest settlers, i.e., Hindus who live around forests) becomes more potent. Why do they need distinct recognition or rights since they simply need to come back to the mainstream? Is that not what non-indigenous leaders during the Constituent Assembly debate wanted: indigenous communities assimilating with the mainstream and opening their land for settlement by immigrants? I am sure this is something some members of the Don Burom class, who may not support the Sixth Schedule or similar provisions, are secretly hoping for.
The proposal is coming from the Meghalaya unit of BJP, but I suspect it could be due to input from outside the state. I do not understand how a Khasi can ever think of auctioning their indigenous identity and history for political gains. Is membership of a political party more important than the political future of the community? The argument that this is only a suggestion and the local community will have the final say is a farcical argument. It is an insult to the local community, which has already made it clear that they do not consider the cave a religious shrine. My own non-indigenous friends have also told me that in the past the place was never used as a religious site. This has only started in the recent past. Today it is Mawjymbuin Cave, which if allowed will be followed by claims over other places as well. Next could be the sacred groves or natural formations like Khoh Ramhah.
The group, ironically, that is going to be most affected by this is the local non-indigenous community. These are people who have been residing in Meghalaya for many generations and are part and parcel of the state’s history. Despite the influx in Garo Hills, the number of these ‘genuine non-tribals’ has been declining, which is a big loss for the state. Many are highly qualified individuals whose talent is badly needed by the state. In fact, the last person from Meghalaya to clear the IAS was Ankur Das, who cleared the Civil Services Examination (CSE) in 2021 with an All India Rank of 52 becoming the highest ranked candidate from the North East. But moves like this are only going to increase the animosity of the local community against them, who will suspect some of them of being part of this attempt to disenfranchise the indigenous community in the long run. Many of them, however, genuinely care about the local people and their home.
Over the years the non-indigenous community has been put under increasing pressure through direct means (threat, intimidation, violence) and indirect means (restricting their livelihood, e.g., trading licence issues). BJP, in fact, is considered a party perceived as being concerned about their plight. However, this is only going to increase the mistrust between them. Such a move may make sense for outsiders who have no connection to the state, but not for those who call this place their home. As indigenous peoples, we need to do better in terms of building a more just and inclusive society, but attempting to ignore our identity and take away our rights to our land is not going to achieve it. It is going to make it more difficult. After having done some right things in the recent past and projecting an inclusive candidate like Sanbor Shullai, the BJP has again reinforced that it is a party that gives preference to outsiders over indigenous people. Let us see how that works out in the upcoming Lok Sabha bypoll.
(The views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not reflect in any way his affiliation to any organisation or institution)
