By H.H. Mohrmen
On May 6, I attended the orientation-cum-workshop on development of Social Science Textbooks conducted by DERT, Shillong. A non-academic like me was invited to the workshop because the state government has decided to include local content in the new Social Science book for the students of Meghalaya.
In one of the presentations the facilitator cited an example that in the current textbook there is a chapter about the grassroots governing system and the lesson is about the Panchayati Raj System only. There is nothing about the system in our tribal state despite the fact that the three major regions of Meghalaya have their own local governing systems. The different traditional institutions in the state did not find mention in the textbook which raises a question, if there is even a write-up anywhere which deals on the above subject in its entirety.
Constitutional Foundation
When the Constituent Assembly deliberated on the future governance of these regions, the North East Frontier Tribal and Excluded Areas Sub Committee under the chairmanship of Gopinath Bordoloi played a crucial role. The committee recognized the need to protect tribal customs, safeguard land from external exploitation, and ensure that governance structures reflect indigenous ways of life (Bordoloi, 1984).
These concerns were ultimately incorporated into the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India under Article 244 (2). It must therefore be clearly understood that governance in our region rests on two foundational pillars, namely statutory law guaranteed by the Constitution and customary practices that have guided our communities since time immemorial (Nongbri, 2003).”
This Schedule allows autonomy of considerable magnitude, conferring legislative, executive, judicial, and financial powers upon District and Regional Councils. This in a nutshell is the basis of traditional governance in the state.
The Traditional Administration System
My area of study is only Jaiñtia hills and I have very limited knowledge about the two other regions of the state. I know very little about the traditional institutions in the Khasi hills and don’t know anything about the Nokmaship in the Garo hills.
The hills portion of the erstwhile Jaiñtia kingdom is also known as “ka Ri Khadar Daloi” the land of the 12 Chieftains. However the earliest form of traditional grassroots institution in the area is the raid, as oral traditions tell us how raids were formed. Raid formation is also related with the story of the first settlers or how the area was peopled.
The traditional term used to describe the administrative and religious structure of the area at the local level is Raid (or Raij, as it is sometimes rendered). It is, however, important to distinguish between Raij/Raj and Raid. The word Raij or Raj is a borrowed term from the plains and refers to territorial jurisdiction, particularly that of a king or ruler, denoting political influence. In contrast, Raid is a traditional concept that represents not only territorial boundaries but also a spiritual realm or the domain of the local deities and guardian spirits. Thus, while Raij/Raj denotes political authority, Raid embodies the indigenous and spiritual dimensions of community life.
What is a Raid?
A Raid is a traditional institution that historically played a dual role, in overseeing both administrative and religious affairs within its territory. The head of the Raid is the Langdoh, who serves simultaneously as the administrative leader and high priest. There is also a female counterpart, ka Langdoh. In Jwai, both positions are held by members of the Soo Kpoh clan, the primary clan to which the four divine sisters belongs.
Each Raid has well-defined boundaries marked by natural features also known as ki ryngkaw ki basa and ka tawiar takan—which hold deep spiritual significance. There are ki Ryngkaw, which are nature deities, believed to guard and protect the inhabitants. It may also be mentioned that each Raid has its own Ryngkaw and Tawiar Takan specific to its locality. Raid, therefore, is not just a geographical or administrative entity but also a spiritual entity.
An important question arises as to how the traditional offices came to be assigned to specific clans within the Raid. To understand this, we must explore how Raids were originally formed.
Formation of the Raid
The formation of a Raid begins with the primary clans that first settled in a given region. Ki Raids were formed by the primary clans that constituted ka Khrong, meaning a collection of clans that contributed to the traditional institutional system of the place. These clans also shared different roles and responsibilities among themselves and assigned the designated traditional offices to their respective clans.
In the case of Jwai, the Soo Kpoh Khadar Wyrnai is the first clan to be divinely led by U Tre Kirod to the land destined for their settlement. While some Raids were established by two or more primary clans, Jwai was founded by four sisters: ka Bon, ka Teiñ, ka Wet, and ka Doh. Each sister married and settled in different areas, with each husband bringing along his family and relatives, that ultimately led to the growth and peopling of the settlement (Kynjiñ P., Souvenir, 2015).
The clans not only settled but also established an organized system to manage both the administrative and spiritual affairs of the community. Thus, the Raid emerged as the first traditional institution combining grassroots governance with religious responsibilities. The primary clans, being the earliest settlers, held key offices.
In Raid Jwai, the Soo Kpoh Khadar Wyrnai clan can occupy all traditional offices, and only their descendants can hold the positions of Langdoh and ka Langdoh. The other clans, however, may hold only those offices traditionally assigned to them.
The Traditional Offices in Raid Jwai
In the case of Jwai, as the population grew, the need for a formal system of governance arose, leading to the establishment of Raid Jwai, with fourteen traditional offices known as ki 14 Wasan. In those early times, Niamtre was the sole religion, and the Raid also catered to the spiritual needs of the community.
The fourteen traditional offices included u Daloi, u Langdoh, ka Langdoh, ki Sangot, ki Maji, u Pator, u Harna, u Maliangot, u Chutia, and u Dhulia. Through the matrimonial alliances of the Four Sisters emerged the phra kur phra kmai—the eight clans that formed the ki 14 Wasan (Kynjiñ P., 2015).
Eleka and the Daloi
As time passed, different Raid emerged in different areas, leading to the creation of the eleka and the office of u Daloi. Apart from being the administrative head of the village, he is also the head of the village court. From 1400 until 1893, the Jaiñtia king made the best use of the offices of Dalois to govern the hills portion of the Jaiñtia kingdom. Originally there were 12 Dalois but now there are 19 Daloiships in Jaiñtia hills. All Daloiship is based on a tradition that a person who holds the office of the Daloi should only be from a certain clan mostly from the primary clan of the area. Amongst the Daloi, the Daloi of Nartiang is considered to be ‘u kong wasan” or the elder of all the Daloi in Jaiñtia hills (Sumer, S.Q.).
From Raid to Dorbar Chnong
The Raid has however lost its importance as it is being replaced by the Dorbar Chnong and the role of u Langdoh as an administrative head of the village is being replaced by u Waheh Chnong. In some cases the Langdoh continues with the tradition of being the Langdoh (the Priest) as well as becoming the headman of the village. In some villages the Kur which used to occupy the office of the Langdoh continue to hold the office of the Waheh Chnong.
Dorbar Chnong with the Waheh Chnong was however of a recent origin and even the term “Dorbar” is borrowed from outside and there are no stories or tradition about the Dorbar Chnong.
The Sirdarship
In Jaiñtia hills there is another traditional institution known as Sirdarship. The first Sirdarship office was instituted by the Biate in 1742 to govern the villages in Saipung area settled largely by the Biate people.
Sumer Patorship was earlier an area under the Daloi of eleka Raliang. Because of its distance from Raliang, the District Council wisely instituted the office of Sirdarship, known as Sumer Patorship, instead of creating a new eleka.
Voluntary services
The traditional institutions operate on pro-bono basis except for the Daloi/Sirdar who earn some revenue from recommendation for LHC to the landowner. Some Daloi have ‘ka Rek Daloi” which are paddy fields traditionally used by the Daloi for performing his duty. Some Daloi also collect traditional tax from outsiders trading in the market called “ka Dan.” The Waheh Chnong basically work for the welfare of the people and provides their service free of cost.
Empowerment of the Traditional Institutions
In Jaiñtia Hills, the two-layer traditional institutions, which include the Daloi or Sirdar and the Waheh Chnong, are now recognized by law after the Jaiñtia Hills Autonomous District (Establishment of Elaka and Village and Election, Appointment, Powers, Functions and Jurisdiction of Daloi/Sirdar and Waheh Chnong) Act of 2015 received the assent of the Governor.
Perhaps, the Council has learned from its mistake of instituting the new Office of Daloi of Madur Maskut which lacks any traditional foundation. The reason is that the Hima Madur Maskut which is also known as Hima Malngiang which predated Jaiñtia kings has ceased to exist even before the Jaiñtia kings came to power.
