By Fazal Mehmood
The recent vitriolic against the minority community by some members of the Sangh Pariwar is a disturbing development. Narendra Modi seemed to be sailing along to his goal, with opinion polls giving him a thumbs up and some Muslim groups even coming round in his support, but this hate campaign unleashed against the minority community is not in the larger interest of communal harmony in the country.
For Modi, who was striving to widen his appeal to all sections of voters and had scrupulously avoided even an oblique reference to religious issues during his electoral campaign; this was an unnecessary queering of the pitch by his own men. In response he tweeted, expressing disapproval of the Sangh Pariwar members remarks without naming them, is an attempt at damage control, but the failure to rein in such irresponsible elements in the future could cost the Modi government dearly. Without naming the two erring leaders, Modi said on Twitter: “Petty statements by those claiming to be BJP’s well wishers are deviating the campaign from the issues of development & good governance… I disapprove of any such irresponsible statement.” Later, in an interview with ABP News, Narendra Modi reiterated that he does not support the controversial remarks of Giriraj Singh, who said recently that those who were opposed to Modi should leave India and go to Pakistan.
As for Togadia, whose relations with Modi have been strained relations since 2002, when Modi objected to his efforts to shield some of those who had a hand in the anti- Muslim riots, reportedly said at a meeting in Gujarat recently that Muslims should be stopped from buying properties in Hindu dominated localities?
In 2008, Togadia had openly censured Modi for allowing the demolition of Hindu temples in the state to facilitate the construction of roads. Modi indeed showed even handedness, by allowing the bulldosing of all unauthorised temples as well as mosques which got in the way of road widening. Except for some opposition from a handful of people like Togadia, there was no organised opposition to the move.
To the people of Gujarat the message was loud and clear — that Modi would not stand in the way of development, even if it angered some religious leaders. There is no doubt that Congressmen who have been crying themselves hoarse painting the BJP as an enemy of the Muslims, will be dancing in glee at the acute embarrassment that is being caused to the BJP by the intemperate statements of its own. Considering that the Congress is prone to making political capital of each controversial statement of a Sangh Parivar leader, Modi and his team would have to rein in such leaders sooner, rather than later.
As Gujarat’s chief minister, Modi was able to keep the VHP, the Bajrang Dal and some of its own leaders in check, but doing so on a national canvas now would be no mean task. Within its ranks, the BJP still has some loose cannons like Uma Bharati, who would need to be disciplined.
There is no doubt that the RSS has restrained itself commendably in the run- up to the general elections.
The current RSS chief, Mohan Bhagwat, can be an interventionist, keen to assert the Sangh’s authority, unlike his predecessor Sudarshan, who steered clear of politics by and large.
During the prime ministership of Atal Behari Vajpayee, the RSS was a trifle wary of pushing the BJP too hard because of Vajpayee’s stature. The charismatic leader also had a way of getting his way through with his persuasive style laced with an uncanny tact and diplomacy.
L.K. Advani too, in his heyday, was held in some degree of awe, though in 2005, the RSS bosses found a stick to beat Advani with, over some of his remarks in praise of Pakistan founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Though he is wedded to the RSS ideology, Modi has shown over the last few years that he can stand up to the RSS and VHP top brass if there is any encroachment over his authority.
The manner in which Mohan Bhagwat foisted Nitin Gadkari as the BJP president, picking him up from relative obscurity and catapulting him to centre stage was typical of him. Sudarshan would not have so brazenly thrust a leader on the BJP. Had it not been for the massive raids on the companies and residences of Nitin Gadkari on the eve of what was being projected as his day of re- election for a second term Rajnath Singh would not have emerged out of nowhere as Gadkari’s successor.
Doubtlessly, Advani too played a crucial role. He had made known his opposition to Gadkari for a second term, which Bhagwat had overruled, but Advani was not prepared to give up. He cajoled Mahesh Jethmalani to throw his hat in the ring and announce that he was considering contesting for the party post against Gadkari.
When that failed to make an impact, he persuaded another known Gadkari dissenter, Yashwant Sinha, to do the same in defiance of the BJP practice of evolving a consensus on the leader’s name.
The raids together with the resolve not to let Gadkari go through without a fight, led Bhagwat to decide that Gadkari should announce that he would not contest for a second term.
Part of the deal was that the new incumbent must be one who was acceptable to Gadkari. Both Bhagwat and Gadkari were unwilling to support Sushma Swaraj, who had been Advani’s chosen one. That she was Advani’s protégé itself ruled out Sushma.
The RSS chief was also not keen on Arun Jaitley and Venkaiah Naidu, unsure as he was of their loyalty to him, since they were close to Advani.
By default, the choice fell on Rajnath Singh, who had always been loyal to the RSS and had had a non-controversial tenure as party president. His was a name that evoked the least opposition from any quarter, though his earlier tenure had not been marked by any flash of dynamism.
One of Modi’s biggest challenges would be to defend the BJP’s independence from the RSS’ remote control. If there is anyone in the BJP who can stand up to RSS bullying today, it is Modi. This would indeed be Modi’s acid test as the prime minister of the country. INAV
