Friday, September 20, 2024
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Kejriwal has to really govern now

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DELHI VERDICT IS A DEFEAT FOR MODI

By Amulya Ganguli

The BJP’s massive defeat in the Delhi elections is a result of its failure to observe the rules of raj dharma of neutrality which ensures that no community lives in fear.As is known, this was the advice which Atal Behari Vajpayee gave to Narendra Modi after the Gujarat riots of 2002 when the latter was the state’s chief minister.

Yet, more than a decade later, Modi failed to heed this sage counsel. Instead, he allowed the Hindutva Gestapo to run amok, terrorizing the Muslims with the provocative campaigns of ghar wapsi or reconversion of Muslims into Hinduism, and “love jehad”, accusing the minority youths of luring Hindu girls into marriage with the purpose of converting them.

The Christians, too, were targeted as the recent spate of attacks on churches in Delhi showed, which may have been behind US president Barack Obama’s observation of how Mahatma Gandhi would have been mortified by the signs of religious intolerance in India.

But, it wasn’t only these violent antics of the saffron hotheads which dug the BJP’s electoral grave, but the “dangerous silence”, which, according to the New York Times, the prime minister maintained on these acts of intimidation and desecration.

The silence was all the more intriguing since Modi has built up a reputation of himself as a “strong” leader. However, he was apparently unable to rein in not only the extremists of the affiliated outfits of the RSS like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, but also his own party’s M.P.s like Yogi Adityanath and Sakshi Maharaj.

The BJP’s apologists are still trying to project the saffron militants as “fringe elements”, but the explanation wears thin in view of the fact that among the most outspoken of the fundamentalists is none other than the chief of the Hindu supremacist RSS, Mohan Bhagwat, who describes all Indians as Hindus and was accorded the unprecedented privilege of addressing the nation on the “autonomous” Doordarshan.

Since none of this could have convinced the minorities that Modi meant what he said about sabka saath, sabka vikas or development for all, they could not but turn away from the BJP. Since the Congress is seemingly in terminal decline, the minorities had no option but to turn to the Aam Admi Party (AAP), whose remarkable performance has the makings of a legend unless it blows its chances with its ill-thought-out economic policies.

But, it isn’t only the Muslims and Christians who have flocked to the AAP, but also sections of the middle class which must have been disappointed by the Modi government’s failure to keep its promise of transforming the economy. Apart from disbanding the Planning Commission, it has done precious little to push ahead with the reforms.

As was evident from its insipid first budget, which was criticized even by the government’s chief economic adviser, Arvind Subramanian, the government was lacking in ideas of galvanizing the economy.

It has to be remembered that today’s so-called aspirational middle class is far more impatient than the earlier generations. Moreover, the aspirations are not confined to the middle class alone, but are prevalent among the underprivileged as well for whom a booming economy provides the opportunity for employment.

But, the fact that everyone is now looking with limited hope to the forthcoming budget to usher in “big ticket” reforms suggests that the Modi government has let down its main base of support.

The prime minister now faces the all-or-nothing Hobson’s choice of either coming down heavily on the votaries of Hindutva, which was described as a “virulent disease” by one of Modi’s admirers, the well-known economist, Jagdish Bhagwati, and pushing forward vigorously with reforms even if these are opposed by saffron outfits like the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, or becoming a lame-duck leader whose purported “magic” has vanished.

The AAP, too, faces a similar choice. For a start, it has to prove that it can govern, which means the party has to shed its “anarchic” instincts, of which its leader, Arvind Kejriwal, was so proud during his first stint in office.

While dispending with its rabble-rousting tactics, the party also has to realize that not everyone, particularly those in the business class, is an enemy. Kejriwal gave some hint of this realization when he informed a group of traders of his bania background.

The party will also have to moderate its confrontationist approach, especially on the issue of statehood for Delhi, which may set it on a collision course with the centre.

In addition, it should not let its present success go to its head, as last year when it contested 432 parliamentary seats and won only four.

The party’s main focus, however, should be on maintaining its honest image, which was the main reason for its success. The advantage which it secured from its 49-day tenure in power last year was its success in curbing the collection of haftas or weekly allowances by the police from petty traders, and also letting the corporate sector know that it cannot always have its own way in the matter of user charges.

All this made it a favourite of the underclass. Given the wide support which the AAP received from the latter along with the votes of the minorities and a section of the disgruntled middle class, the BJP didn’t have a chance. (IPA Service)

 

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