Wednesday, November 20, 2024
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Lessons from the Danggo debacle 

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Albert Thyrniang

Last December on my home visit I met some people from Phlangdiloin and Wahkaji. After exchanging pleasantries, our conversation quickly went to the Nongstoin-Rangblang-Phlangdiloin two lane road that was cancelled due to the foolishness of some NGOs, uranium mining and the general backwardness of the Langrin area. Politics too was touched upon. As election was due for February, I asked them, “Who will you vote for?” “Danggo”, was the spontaneous answer. I asked then why. “Because he is the winning candidate”, they proudly declared. Yes for four times Martin Danggo was the winning candidate from Ranikor. But in the recent Ranikor by-election he lost. The veteran had to humbly bite the dust. He was trounced by a 27 year old novice.

What lessons can one learn from the defeat of this seemingly invincible four time legislator? Different factors might have led to his demise. This is not the thesis to analyse his unexpected, nay, expected loss. The former Congress strongman and the NPP are more than capable of doing the post mortem. This is to enumerate the lessons learned from the Ranikor by-election.

Political stuns do not ensure victory. Political stunts are not uncommon in India, especially when governments and politicians face an impending defeat. In 2011 when her government had performed poorly, Mayawati announced the tabling of a Bill that would divide UP into four states – Poorvanchal, (East UP), Paschhimanchal, (West UP), Bundelkhand and Awadh (central UP). The move was considered by some as a masterstroke. However, in the following year’s election her Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) faced a crushing defeat winning just 80 seats out of 403 in Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly. Just before the February general election the Congress government in our state went on a foundation stone laying spree but, unimpressed, the people of the state voted the MPA government out of power. This paper reported that DD Lapang lost the 1993 Assembly election though he had he announced the formation of Ri Bhoi district the previous year. In his own right Martin Danggo too performed a political stunt. Unexpectedly he resigned just three months of being an elected Congress MLA from Ranikor to join the NPP on the pretext that the Meghalaya Democratic Alliance (MDA) government gifted the Ranikor Sub-Division. The stunt did not work. He lost stunningly.

The people did not buy the sacrifice rhetoric. The four time legislator justified his surprise move by stating, explaining, harping and reiterating over and over again that he sacrificed his seat for the Ranikor civil sub-division. Politicians with vested interests including some heavyweights too hailed the ‘incomparable, immeasurable and unparalleled’ sacrifice of the Ranikor strongman. Lavish praises and eulogies rent the air as the former speaker was named ‘Man of the Match’, declared ‘man of Ranikor civil and presented with the title ‘Raja of Ranikor’.  Danggo had clearly won new fans but he also invited sceptics and critics who branded him ‘deserter’ and ‘defector’, ‘opportunistic and selfish’. They did not believe his intention. More importantly the electorates of Ranikor constituency did not buy his argument that his resignation was a sacrifice for a civil sub-division. They believed that people matter the most. They saw that he did not sacrifice anything. They were wise to see through his ploy that his resignation was meant to win and win more emphatically. It was to be a stepping stone for gaining more political currency. Why did the sacrifice come now when it was missing in the last two decades?

Among those who did not buy the sacrifice reasoning were the regional political parties. When Danggo took the decision to quit, he and the NPP had probably hoped that the MDA partners would not contest against him. They would all support him. The Congress would be his only challenger and would be no match for him. That was not to be. Blaming the former legislator and the major party in the government for the unilateral decision, the UDP, backed by HSPDP, immediately declared Pius Marwien as the party candidate against the newly acquired NPP man. The PDF, Meghalaya’s youngest political party, too disagreed with the veteran politician by putting up its chief, PN Syiem to try his luck after losing the Mawsynram seat last February.

Was there an over-confidence in MM Danggo that led to his defeat? Or was it his lack of confidence that was responsible for his downfall? There are signs of it. Before the actual resignation, rumours and speculations were rife. The then Congress legislator never publicly stated that he would resign from the Assembly and the party. The date of resignation was deferred at least once. It looked as if he could not make up his mind. It seemed there was someone compelling him. A perception of a fickle mind was portrayed to the public. The former lawmaker never went personally to the Speaker/Deputy Speaker to hand over his resignation. He sent an emissary. He never faced the press to explain his decision. A confident person would have done exactly the opposite. Even during the campaign leading to the 23rdAugust voting day, the press reported little of what he said. All the noises were made by the Deputy Chief Minister, Prestone Tyngsong. At the cost of repetition one may repeat the question, was it over-confidence, confidence or lack of it that made Danggo a loser?

The regional parties will continue to be substitute players. In spite of the boastful win in Ranikor, the regional parties in Khasi-Jaintia Hills will continue to play second fiddle to the NPP or Congress as the situation presents itself. There is no need for a famed political analyst to state so. Their home is only the 36 seats in Khasi-Jaintia Hills. Can anyone from the regional party realistically say they will win 31 out of 36? As they have neglected the 24 seats in Garo Hills they have absolutely no chance to win even a single seat from the region. In Garo Hills, the GNC is too insignificant a player to team up with the Khasi-Jaintia regional parties. Now with the growth of the NPP in Khasi and Jaintia Hills, the regional parties are further weakened. Therefore, the conclusion is obvious, the regional parties will hold the unenviable distinction of being substitute players for NPP or the Congress depending on who has the stronger and more players.

Stability of the current government seems to be out of compulsion rather than of conviction. After the Ranikor and South Tura by-elections the MDA partners have pledged that the government will last its full term and even beyond. They have sung their unity song. The Chief Minister is now an MLA. He can certainly concentrate on the development of the state and draw up a road map for this tiny state that is lagging behind in numerous key areas. The people of the state have a lot of expectations from this government. However, the question of stability or instability of the government still remains. Though uncomfortable it may be, it will linger on. Had Danggo won, the government would have been more stable.

It is crystal clear that the regional parties, especially the bigger brother UDP is presently anti- Congress and pro-NPP for a variety of reasons. Firstly, the Congress and, more precisely Mukul Sangma, has ruled the state for two consecutive terms. The former Chief Minister is seen as autocratic and a one-man leader. Secondly, the UDP-HSPDP is in coalition with the NPP because of Conrad Sangma. Though he was not an MLA, the UDP chose to swear him in Chief Minister of the state because he is acceptable to them. The Chief Minister is seen as someone opposed to Mukul Sangma. He is not autocratic. He is a team player. He has given freedom to his ministers to take their own decisions. They are certainly enjoying their liberty. But there is a thin line here which can be easily crossed. How much of freedom and independence can ministers have? Is it to the extent that the Chief Minister has no more say? What if the Chief Minister starts questioning the decisions of the ministers? Will that lead to the fall of the government? What will happen if the Congress provides an alternative leader who is not autocratic and a team player? Thirdly and most importantly, the UDP is in partnership with the NPP and the BJP because the saffron party is ruling at the centre. The lure of funds is the motive. By their own admission if the UPA comes back to power in Delhi, the MDA government in Meghalaya will collapse, perhaps with a smile from the regional parties.

While MM Danggo might have learned his lesson and must be cooling his heels and regretting the fact that he quit, his loss will keep the state on tenterhooks.

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