By H. Srikanth
The word intellectual, in its positive connotation, evokes spontaneous respect and admiration. Usually, a person who is well read, knowledgeable, articulate, and one capable of distinguishing between good and bad, and inspiring the people to take the right path, is assumed to be an intellectual. In a broad sense, this category encompasses not only academicians but also scientists, bureaucrats, lawyers, political leaders, technicians, managers, media persons, writers and artists who play the role of interpreting, connecting and mobilizing the people in different spheres of life. History abounds with several examples of intellectuals playing a positive role in human civilization. The west produced intellectuals like Socrates and Aristotle to J.S. Mill and Marx, who through their writings and actions, contributed to the development of new ideas and institutions. There is no dearth of intellectuals in India who have contributed to the development and dissemination of knowledge.
In ancient and medieval India, the domination of religion and caste did not allow the growth of intellectuals beyond certain castes and communities. In contrast, the British rule, by extending educational opportunities for all communities of people enabled the birth of intellectuals from varied social backgrounds. Social reform movements and the nationalist movement shaped the political and ideological direction of Indian intellectuals in the colonial era. The right-wing intellectuals adhering to Hindu nationalism were also active during the period, but they lost credibility after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. On the eve of independence, India had a rich galaxy of intellectuals in political, economic, social and scientific fields. There were different spectrums of intellectuals–Gandhian, Nehruvian, socialist, Marxist, Ambedkarite, etc. All of them, in their own ways, contributed to Indian society and polity through their intellectual contributions and social activities.
Most leading intellectuals of the first three decades were from the middle class background. The middle class had access to modern education and to new professions. The middle class then was not very rich. The gap between them and the poor and marginalized sections was not very wide. Different reform and radical movements of 1960s and 70s had their influence on the middle class as well. Several intellectuals emanating from the middle classes identified themselves with one or the other social movements, and expressed solidarity with the peasants, workers, tribals, women, dalits, and other marginalized communities. In different capacities – as teachers, writers, poets, theatre artists, journalists, scientists, lawyers, environmentalists, human rights activists – the intellectuals played a significant role in the civil society. Some radical intellectuals suffered as they confronted the privileged political and economic elites. During the Emergency, several intellectuals were arrested, beaten up, and even killed for espousing the cause. The masses revered and admired them for their contributions. The hegemony of progressive intellectuals compelled even the fence sitters to project themselves as progressive minded people. These pragmatic intellectuals then found it advantageous to wear khadi, wave the red flags, and speak and write supporting socialist and secular visions. Quite a few of them could make their way to different universities and academies using their personal and political contacts.
The 1990s witnessed dramatic changes both in international and national spheres. Events like the fall of the Soviet Union, reassertion of the market forces, birth of communal and identity politics, etc., had a deep effect on the ideology and political practice of the middle-class intellectuals. With the decline of socialist ideology, the intellectuals adhering to Marxian, Nehruvian and Gandhian varieties of socialism found themselves in a fix. True adherents were genuinely confused, while those who were only pretending to be progressive gave up all their pretensions. Some took to identity politics; others found a refuge in supposedly progressive post-modern and post-colonial theories and jargons, with no risking of career or life. Liberalization, globalization and technological innovations such as the IT revolution and growth of digital technologies opened new avenues for growth for a section of middle-class intellectuals. The state also started patronizing and accommodating the intellectuals by enhancing their pay through the pay commissions, or accommodating them on different committees and commissions as members and chairpersons. Collaborations, consultations and tie-ups with foreign and Indian monopoly corporations led to massive increase in the income and wealth of a section of the middle intellectuals working in IT, media, NGO, advertisement and other creative sectors. As their economic status improved, the distance between the intellectuals and the masses has widened. The neo-rich upper middle-class intellectuals started identifying themselves more and more with the interests of the political and economic elite.
Indications of such changes were visible even during the UPA regime itself. With the ascendency of the Hindutva politics, India is witnessing a sea change in the role of and the approach towards the intellectuals. Having been marginalized in the public sphere for decades, the new regime wedded to the idea of Hindutva found an opportunity to vilify liberal, secular and Left leaning intellectuals, by branding all of them as anti-nationals and anti-Hindu. Simultaneously, they began efforts to entice and saffronize the intellectuals. Those who adhered to the ideology of the regime got plump positions in the education sector, media and administration. With no possibility of political change in the near future, pragmatic middle-class intellectuals became turn coats in no time. As they realized which side of the bread is buttered, they quickly changed their colors, flags, public posture, language, and rhetoric. To seek the attention of the masters, they disowned socialist and secular ideologies, and started denouncing Gandhi, Nehru, and Marx in public forums and social media. They began talking about the supposed glory of ancient Hindu India and started locating patriotism and humanism in the leaders, whom they branded once as communalists. Many came out openly to declare loyalty to the organizations and ideologies close to the regime. To display their loyalty, some literally started crawling when they were asked to bend. Many who could not stoop so low decided to maintain strategic silence.
Not that all middle-class intellectuals support the regime. But most fear to express their difference, as they apprehend Big Brother is watching their every move. The intellectuals have their own excuses to justify their actions and inactions. They cite how criticizing the government lands the people in jail, force them to encounter the wrath of the investigating agencies, and makes them face the mob that would troll them in media and social media. If anyone tickles them, they ask: don’t we have a career to build and a family to look after? Why should we alone talk when all other people are silent, and jeopardize our career prospects? If we lose jobs or don’t get promotions, how difficult would it become to pay the EMIs for the home loan, send our kids abroad for higher studies, or marry off our daughter to some wealthy family? Such utilitarian concerns and calculations are enough to tame them and make them fall in line with others. Fear of reprisal, career temptations and growing indifference enfeebled the middle-class intellectuals so much that they have lost the will to question the power and resist injustice. True, like the odd stars that shines bright in the darkest nights, even today, here and there, one might find some middle-class intellectuals who have not lost their conscience and will to fight for a public cause. However, the people cannot pin hopes on those few. This is the time to look for different class of intellectuals. Not from the middle-class, but from among the peasants, working class, and uncompromising tribals, dalits and radical youth.