By H H Mohrmen
It is no surprise that debates on social media and election platforms revolve around Article 371 rather than important governance issues, as the intention is to mislead people. There has been no debate on the failure of the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs), and unsurprisingly, there is no discussion on ways to improve their functions and performance. Everyone is engaged in rhetoric, but no one has practical suggestions to take the councils forward. No one has taken the time to identify the gaps and shortcomings in the ADCs’ functions and suggest ways to address them. Sadly, the public also falls for it and dances to the tune of political parties and politicians.
Article 371: Just Election Propaganda
Article 371 serves as a cloak to cover the new party’s lack of understanding of ADCs and its unwillingness to accept that demanding Article 371 is as futile as a baby crying for the moon. The subject is good for academic discussions in seminars and workshops but seems difficult, if not impossible, to achieve. The people of the state already have a long list of unmet demands from the Central government. These include the implementation of the Inner Line Permit, the inclusion of the Khasi language under the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, the resolution of the Assam-Meghalaya border dispute, and land for the rehabilitation of residents of Them Metor, to name a few. All these demands remain unfulfilled, and only time will tell if Delhi will pay heed to the people’s demands. Now, like a paper balloon—a popular craft among the people—the VPP is floating another hollow promise in the Khasi-Jaintia political landscape. Notably, this issue was not even debated in the Garo region, so how can one expect it to gain traction when there is no unanimity even among the three ADCs of the state?
The Function of Traditional Heads
Village administration is also under the jurisdiction of the District Councils, yet there is no debate on how to improve it. How will the ADCs formulate policies to help Dorbar Shnong implement various state and central schemes? The development of villages, in particular, and rural areas, in general, depends on how effectively the traditional heads function. Yet, the role of the headman and the Dorbar Shnong has never been a popular topic of discussion in the different district councils.
Even after more than 50 years since the state’s establishment, except for the JHADC, the other two ADCs have yet to enact any laws defining the powers and functions of traditional heads, including the Syiem. It took a wake-up call from the High Court for the JHADC to enact the Jaintia Hills Autonomous District (Establishment of Eleka and Village and Election and Appointment, Powers, Functions, and Jurisdiction of Dalloi/Sirdar, and Waheh Shnong) Act, 2015, which was passed on June 3, 2015, and received the Governor’s assent on December 23, 2015.
Now, all headmen in the district operate only after receiving a Sanad from the Dalloi of their respective Elekas. In Jowai, where the Dalloi is proactive, many villages conduct elections to elect their headmen.
Another major challenge hampering the Rangbah Shnongs or the Waheh Chnong’s function is that they work pro bono. If there are complaints about village administration, the ADCs should be held accountable because they have failed to empower the different offices of the traditional heads. In Jaintia Hills, although the Act specifies the powers and functions of the Waheh Chnong, there is a need for a Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) for traditional heads. More importantly, do we even have a Job Description for the MDCs? Unfortunately, while the JHADC has an operational law for traditional heads under its jurisdiction, the Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council Village Administration Bill remains on the back burner.
Empowering Women and Differently-Abled People
Despite being a matrilineal state, the ADCs have done precious little to empower women. Credit goes to the National Rural Livelihoods Mission (NRLM) for empowering women in the state, where by tradition, females are believed to be better off than their counterparts in other parts of the country. Anyone working in rural communities can attest that the Self-Help Group (SHG) movement has indeed uplifted women.
Another neglected section of the population is the differently-abled. They continue to be denied their rights because neither the community nor the village head assists them in obtaining their disability certificates, which they are entitled to. They are entitled to a special job card, CM Care Fund, and other benefits, but who is there to help them when even the village employment secretaries are unaware of their rights?
Rivers: ADCs’ Rights without Responsibility
There have been complaints about the lack of care and protection for rivers in the state, which continue to be polluted by residential waste and mining activities. Since rivers fall under the ADCs’ jurisdiction, they should be held responsible for this failure. Yet, there is no debate on how MDCs plan to tackle the issue. Not only the Wahumkhrah and Myntdu but many other rivers in the state are on the verge of becoming open drains, yet none see this as an issue that needs serious attention.
Despite ADC rules prohibiting construction near rivers—reinforced by High Court rulings—people continue to build permanent structures along riverbanks. Village headmen, who fall under the District Council’s jurisdiction, violate these rules and court orders. The Executive Committee of the ADCs should be held accountable if the headman, who is part of the traditional governing system, violates these regulations. It is the EC that has failed to make the headman aware of the rules and the court’s orders. Illegal fishing methods, including the use of poison and explosives, are still prevalent, yet the District Councils have done nothing.
Forests under the District Council
Despite a significant portion of the state’s forests being under ADC control, there is no debate on how candidates plan to protect and conserve them or curb deforestation.
According to the State of Forest Report, 2017, published by the Forest Survey of India, Meghalaya’s forest and tree cover spans 79.37% (17,803 sq. km), contributing 2.26% of India’s total forest cover. However, unlike other states, forests in Meghalaya are largely community- and privately-owned. Only 1,113 sq. km fall under the direct control of the State Forest Department, with the remaining 16,000 sq. km under the three ADCs: Khasi Hills, Jaintia Hills, and Garo Hills.
Yet, candidates have not proposed concrete measures to protect forest cover or suggested ways to support communities that preserve Law Kyntang, Law Adong, Khloo Langdoh, and Tken forests. None have addressed issues such as deforestation from logging, forest fires, or the destruction caused by charcoal production.
Sources of Revenue for the ADCs
The ADCs have only a few major revenue sources, the primary one being royalty collected from major and minor minerals. However, there is no debate on how candidates plan to improve royalty collection.
Another revenue source is professional tax collected from employees in various sectors. However, not all institutions and offices pay this tax to the ADCs, leading to a huge gap between collected revenues and the number of service-sector entities in the district. Even incumbent MDCs have not addressed revenue leakage or discussed ways to improve trading permit fees for non-tribals and market fees for traditional and modern markets.
Culture and Traditions
The very existence of ADCs is to protect the unique culture and identity of the people. Except for some documentation done by the KHADC, the other ADCs have done little in this regard. As culture evolves and changes over time, we are fast losing the precious heritage inherited from our ancestors. In a world where people talk about artificial intelligence, quantum computing, algorithms, and data science, we need to rethink what protecting our culture and traditions truly means.
Regrettably, election debates and discussions on social media and election platforms have veered off course. Instead of addressing core governance issues, they have focused on distractions—missing the woods for the trees.