By K N Kumar
Having spent years working with the government, I have observed how India’s democracy, often regarded as one of the world’s most important, functions. I’ve seen the dedication of election officials, the energy of campaigns, and the subtle games between candidates who spend money and voters looking for it. India’s ability to unite its 1.4 billion people from different languages, cultures, and beliefs through elections is truly admirable. However, I believe that despite this achievement, India’s democracy faces serious challenges that could threaten its stability. With more than three decades of experience as an insider, I’ve reached a strong conclusion: India’s democracy needs a fundamental overhaul to succeed. This article is my call to critically examine, fix its flaws, and create a system where every voice truly matters. If not, the unchecked cankers may metastasize into full-blown cancers.
India’s attempt at democracy began in 1947. It was a significant step to unite everyone through voting. However, it still employs an outdated system, the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) system, which dates back to colonial times and distorts public preference. This system gives too much power to the winners and, ironically, ‘excludes’ the majority. For example, in 2019, the BJP won 55% of the seats in the Lok Sabha (303/542), despite receiving only 37.77% of the votes, totalling 22.9 crore votes. In the same election, the Bahujan Samaj Party received 2.22 crore votes, nearly 10% of the BJP’s votes, but won only 10 seats. In 2024, the BJP’s votes increased to 23.59 crore, yet they lost 63 seats. In 2019, Shiv Sena secured 18 seats with 1.28 crore votes, while the Samajwadi Party got just five seats with 1.56 crore votes. The problem becomes even more acute when the constituency size is numerically small, as in the case of Meghalaya and other smaller states. This resembles a trick card game. When someone wins with just 31% of the vote, the remaining 69% becomes irrelevant for the next five years. The FPTP system fosters intense competition, rewarding small victories but undermining the fundamental principle that every vote should count in a democracy. In our system of elections, all votes are physically counted; however, a small number of votes ultimately carry higher weight. This is what I think is the delusion of democracy – believing in something false despite evidence to the contrary.
I will illustrate this with an example: The Attingal Lok Sabha constituency of Kerala had a total electorate of 13,96,807 registered voters as of the 2024 general election. Votes polled were 9,85,341. One Adoor Prakash won the Attingal constituency by a margin of 684 votes. The vote share of the respective parties was INC 33.3%, CPI M 33.2%, and BJP 31.6%. The winning candidate received 328,051 votes (33.29%) while the other two candidates received 6,39,146 votes combined (64.86%). Now, the irony – the candidate with just 33.29% of the popular vote is the M.P., while the votes of about 65% of the voters have zero value. This is not unusual in the FPTP system, because if we magnify this to the national level, the figures will shock us even more. Of the 63.89 crore total votes cast in the country, 40.30 crore votes (63.07%) went to parties and independents other than the BJP. And the irony, the 63% of the voters still believe that they are in a democracy, even when their votes don’t count. That is delusion. This has been at the root of all problems in our country but the elephant in the room refuses to go. No one wants to discuss this issue.
To win just that many votes, candidates often resort to nearly anything: lying, bribing, threatening, or engaging in various illegal activities, some of which are too well-known to need a mention here. Election offences are rarely punished. The Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) reports that the percentage of MPs facing criminal charges increased from 24% in 2004 to 43% in 2019. In 2024, out of 8,337 candidates running for the Lok Sabha, 20% — or 1,643 individuals — had criminal cases against them, and 14% (1,191) were charged with serious crimes, including voter bribery.
Elections are also very costly. The Centre for Media Studies estimates that the 2014 election cost between Rs 30,000 and Rs 40,000 crore, the 2019 election around Rs 55,000 – Rs 60,000 crore, and the 2024 election soared to Rs 1,00,000 – Rs 1,35,000 crore, making it one of the most expensive elections worldwide. Only about 13–15% of the money spent is actually reported. A significant portion of the budget is allocated to giveaways, including cash and gifts for voters, with 35% of the 2019 budget dedicated to advertising. This situation heavily favours those with wealth and power, pushing India closer to being governed by the rich.
Nevertheless, there is still hope. In the hills of Northeast India, young voters who work in distant cities like Mumbai, Bengaluru, Pune, and Hyderabad serve as inspiring examples of what democracy should be. They often sacrifice their pay and travel long distances to return home and cast their votes. They genuinely believe their votes can make a difference for their region, while elsewhere in India, the situation is less positive. In Andhra Pradesh, I once observed a mob doing a dharna at a contestant’s house late at night, insisting on a higher cash per vote after another candidate had offered them a bribe, exposing a sordid episode of vote selling. In a different area, the entire town’s power was switched off from 2 a.m. to 4 a.m. to let the secret distribution of cash happen. Clearly, the authorities are in cahoots. This blatant vote-buying, a stark betrayal of citizenship, shows the corrupt side of our democracy.
I worked with the Election Commission of India, serving in various roles including Assistant Returning Officer, Returning Officer, and Observer for general elections across different regions. Beyond conducting elections, I closely observed the voting process to understand how the system and society influence each other. No matter how the system is built, the character of a society greatly impacts voting; some societies seem more prone to bribery than others. This isn’t just about obeying the law but also about what people consider normal and what a good democracy should look like. My experience in the western region, where citizens exhibited stronger civic values, was markedly different from that in the northern and southern regions, where persuasion and corruption were more common.
Democracy requires five essential elements to function properly: (1) a fair electoral system, (2) effective election machinery, (3) a strong judicial system, (4) an informed electorate, and (5) a truly free media. I am convinced that, as a country, we have faltered right from the beginning. I argue that the FPTP system should be substituted by proportional representation. India’s elections, overseen by the Election Commission under Article 324, serve as a global model, with 900 million voters and a 67% participation rate in 2019, so the machinery on the surface is solid. But clearly, we have a lot of work to do in enlightening the electorate and freeing the media from corporate influence. Without significant reforms, Indian democracy risks becoming a hollow spectacle where people believe they are participating, but in reality, they are not. India’s elections demonstrate greatness, yet the FPTP system, corruption, and civic disengagement distort its promise. This delusion should end soon.
(The writer is a former member of the IAS).