By AH Scott Lyngdoh
Independent India faced its first rebellion in 1955-’56, forged by the Naga National Council flying the flag for complete Independence. The latter’s Constitution, partially based on the American model, containing the paraphernalia of governance was led by the Federal Government of Nagaland. There was a President, a Council of Ministers, a Supreme Court, a Commander in Chief supported by various offices down to the village level. A key figure was the Governor of a Province, responsible for day-to-day administration. Anyone connected with the people’s well being, such as doctors and engineers hailing from the Punjab, West Bengal and other states were welcome to serve and could move about freely. The safety net for administrators like myself was to travel with the wife and young kids without an armed escort as the Nagas never fired at a vehicle with women and children on board. No taxes were imposed on the people, except on rare occasions when funds were required to cover expenditure on trips to China for the rebels to procure arms and undergo expert training.
Both sides suffered in the ongoing conflict, away from the eyes of the rest of India, neither media nor human rights groups came to tell the tales of horror inflicted on innocent villagers. Two incidents come alive in these my fading years, reflecting experiences in the interior without electricity and only a few dilapidated roads. Independence Day celebration on the 14 August kept the rebel movement alive and kicking. At Phek, as the Additional Deputy Commissioner of the Chakhesang area, my duty was to stop the Federal flag from being hoisted within the township – a curfew was imposed the night before while the Assam Rifles resorted to incessant firing, ground level and airborne to keep intruders at bay. To everyone’s surprise, a weary eyed Assistant Commissioner runs to my bungalow on the 14th morning, the Federal flag clutched under his arm taken down hurriedly from the residential rooftop. In spite of all precautions, the rebels accomplished their mission crawling inch-by-inch evading the onslaught with such fearless determination. The second imprint was also about celebrating Independence Day, but this time the 15th August requiring the gaonburas to pledge loyalty to the Indian flag. Food and drinks were lavishly served, and a head count taken following an announcement that every absentee gaonbura would be fined a sum of Rupees one thousand. Two failed to turn up from my counterpart’s (Razu Peyu) village, and the fine was paid. A week later, word spread that the Razu Peyu collected a much larger sum as fine from the attending gaonburas, a testimony that the rebel cause was not to be trifled with.
There are many stories, some very bitter about the Government’s efforts to stamp out the insurgency, and the more than equal determination of the rebels to sustain it. Neither side could claim victory.
In such circumstances, Naga leaders with the support of the Church were constantly on the search for a political solution to avoid further bloodshed. Ultimately, with much fanfare, Nagaland was awarded a separate State on December the 1st, 1963. The search continued, supported by the efforts of the Peace Mission comprising Jayaprakash Narayan, B. P. Chaliha (CM, Assam) and Rev. Michael Scott during my tenure as the Deputy Commissioner, Kohima. Of the three, Jayaprakash (Indian Independence Activist and Political Leader) struck me as the most sincere, staying on with his gracious wife in one room of the MLA hostel after the disbandment of the Peace Mission. In our long conversations, he seemed to be more pained than anyone else at the divisions in the Naga Society failing to grasp the moment for a final victory handshake.
Rev. Michael Scott (British anti-apartheid activist), the host of Phizo in London had to leave for being too one sided – it was said of Scott that if two persons were fighting he’d always back the weaker one. Phizo, he asserted had his mind fixed, that even during a London concert, he would withdraw newspaper cuttings from his pocket about events in Nagaland, which he would read and re-read every now and then.
Sir Charles Pawsey, the last British DC of Kohima (1937-’47) of World War II fame who had also come to Kohima on the invitation of the Government of India, lodged at the war cemetery where the fiercest battle took place. The story goes, that while organizing the Kohima village defenses, stacks of telegrams from Government house Shillong lay on his desk inquiring about the situation. Returning to the bungalow, only one terse reply was sent ‘it appears moral is higher in Kohima than it is in Shillong.’ Pawsey, on his final trip to Nagaland exhorted the Nagas to give up independence and sue for peace, only to be told to go back, prohibiting even old friends to meet him. His parting words to me were one of shock and dismay at the turn of events.
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister who had sent in the Army to quell the disturbances now burdened by the never-ending conflict, kept Nagaland under his watch, its affairs under the purview of the External Affairs Ministry. An All Party Committee of MPs including two future Prime Ministers, I. K. Gujral and Chandra Shekhar visited Nagaland towards the end of December 1964 hearing complaints, consulting leaders and officials for a possible political solution. While neither the Peace Mission nor the MPs visit brought the desired results, at least the Naga voice was being heard loud and clear.
A final political settlement appeared to have emerged with the signing of the 1975 Shillong Accord. The position of the NNC from the very beginning was that Nagas were not secessionists, therefore were not guilty of the treason of secessionism as they had made it abundantly clear before the British Empire had ended in India that they were not a part of India, but a neighbour of India, though a very small one. The Nagas therefore were not demanding independence or sovereignty from India, they already had it. What was required was for India and the world to recognize their status.
The Shillong Accord was an agreement signed by LP Singh, on behalf of the Government of India, and five Naga leaders, “On behalf of Representatives of Underground Organisations” for Nagaland’s underground to accept the supremacy of the Constitution of India without condition, surrendering of arms and renouncing the stand on Naga sovereignty.
Hopes for restoration of peace were dashed to the ground when Thuingaleng Muivah, a Tangkhul Naga from Manipur and General Secretary of the NSCN denounced the Accord resulting in a fresh outbreak of violence, spreading fear and terror even beyond the bounds of Naga territory. The demand for sovereignty remains the main issue whereas the rallying point is the call to all Nagas for a separate homeland embracing Naga inhabited areas presently spread out in various states of the North East and beyond in Myanmar. Other insurgency groups emerged placing the region in turmoil till the ceasefire and discussions with the Government of India for a political settlement which is going on for more than a decade. And what is in store for Nagaland in these troubled days?
There are now six underground factions, (i) NSCN (IM) Khaplang group, (ii) Kholi and (iii) Ketovi, (iv) Unification group (Semas) consisting of defectors from other factions, (v), NNC/ Federal Govt. of Nagaland who accept the Shillong Accord, (vi) who do not.
Everyone pays taxes in one form or another from Ministers, MLAs, Government servants, officers, contractors and the business community. At the Dimapur border, police and rebel sit together to collect taxes. The price of every commodity is soaring; even poultry and kerosene are not spared. To stem the tide, ACAUT (Action Committee Against Unabated Taxation) was formed and 18th June, 2013, a ‘Black Flag Day’ was observed by a dawn-to-dusk bandh – all business establishments at Dimapur were closed with the support of other beleaguered townships through the aegis of the Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Kohima, Mokokchung, Wokha and Zunheboto.
On the emerging public protest against the taxes agitation Dr. Wati Aier, Convener of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation, says ” We talked about one government- at the back of our mind was a unified tax system, and of course an eventual solution to the Naga issue”. This campaign, according to Dr.Wati, will push the Naga groups to think, so, “let us wait and see what happens”.
According to Niketu Iralu , peace and social activist, ” The Naga groups taxing the community with impunity and thoughtless of the consequences, have pushed their people to bearing the unbearable and accepting the intolerable. This has deeply enraged them. The Naga leaders should never have let the situation come to a stage where people have to rise up against them as they are doing now”. The protest is not likely to go away this time. Whither Nagaland?
(The writer had his first posting with the Tangkhul Nagas of Manipur, and was later Additional Deputy Commissioner, Phek and Deputy Commissioner, Kohima. Finally retired as Chief Secretary, Mizoram)