By Ashis Biswas
Some recent policy decisions made by Government of India (GOI) in the context of the civil strife in Myanmar have come at a price. Negative perceptions of the ruling NDA II as a regime with a paranoid obsession about national security and an expansion of commercial interests of selected Indian corporate concerns abroad ,have been strengthened in the Northeast. During the past few weeks, anti- Indian criticism has acquired a new keener edge among major sections of liberal opinion in the NE and Myanmar, going by local media accounts.
In the context of the unfortunate death in official custody of 84 year old dissident leader Stan Swamy only days ago, this is a trend that Delhi-based policymakers would do well not to ignore.
Only days ago, the Burmese HR organisation Justice for Myanmar (JFM) in a media release reported the delivery of advanced surveillance equipment and other sensitive items produced by an Indian public sector unit , to Myanmar authorities. It was common knowledge, said JFM spokesman Mr Y. Maung, that the ruling army junta currently suppressing an armed struggle against Myanmar’s own citizens, used such weaponry and equipment against pro-democracy forces.
Yet the Indian PSU Bharat Electronics Ltd BEL had delivered electro-optic systems, radar radio extractor receivers, VHF communication systems, graphics processors, workstation hardware ,server storage equipment and batteries etc. to the ruling Junta headed by gen Min Hlaing. Most unfortunately, such assistance was provided even as most other countries/nations were suspending official dealings with the present administration in Myanmar following its illegal February coup, overthrowing elected political authority. The despatches were made from Jaipur and Bangalore in March. Already under army occupation, over 900 people mainly pro-democracy protestors had been killed as violence erupted in different parts of Myanmar.
This comes in the wake of a recent announcement made by the Adanis, who have promised to stop work on a new container terminal project in Myanmar, in the face of protests by HR groups. Around $130 million had been invested in the construction and about 300 people were working on the site. However, two civil rights groups alleged that the Adanis had paid around $30 million to the MEC company in Myanmar for securing lease rights. . This company had been hit by Western sanctions because of its close ties with the Myanmar army.
As the controversy continued, the Adanis announced their pullout decision in a recent statement, without clarifying the position regarding their having made any payments to the MEC. However, Australian civil rights spokesmen, who have had their own problems with the Indian Corporate group over certain projects earlier, felt that construction should not have started in the first place as the sanctions had begun to take effect.
The point is , in the eyes of the pro-democracy people of Myanmar and international liberal opinion, both India’s private as well as its public sector seem to be keen to continue business as usual with sanction-hit countries. Commercial interests take precedence over all other considerations in international relations. The adoption of such an approach puts India in the same category of countries with dubious HR records, such as China. Leaders in Beijing insist that they prefer not to lecture other countries on how to handle their internal affairs. But this has not saved China itself from coming under Western sanctions over what is seen as its indifference to fundamental human rights issues, within its own borders and elsewhere.
Kolkata-based officials say that GOI has its own tight rope walking act to carry out in Myanmar. India’s own ACT-EAST policy has been stalled effectively following the February coup. The economy was slowing down even before the Covid 19 pandemic began. Now the situation has worsened and India’s economy has been hit harder than China or Bangladesh. As for Myanmar, India accounts for less than 4 per cent of its total imports, as against 30 per cent plus for China.
While the Kaladan multimodal infra development project which would significantly improve India’s connectivity through Myanmar on to other South East Asian countries is nearing completion, China has already invested billions of dollars in a range of projects as against India’s relatively minor investments.
Therefore, given this financial backlog vis-a-vis China, Japan or Thailand as investors in Myanmar, any further slippage in earnings from bilateral trade and business could only further marginalise India. This puts Delhi in a delicate position where it has to tread carefully and not react emotionally to new challenges and issues.
But in Mizoram or Manipur, where people fleeing from Myanmar are still crossing over for safety, putting up in relief camps, with relatives or NGO help, GOI’s insistence in discouraging further exodus smacks of insensitivity. Unverified accounts suggest that the number of such people is lose to 20,000 now and increasing. Despite official instruction from the highest levels in Delhi to dissuade such people from staying on Indian territory gently and not to treat them as refugees, it has proved difficult to turn away crowds of old men women and children fleeing from army excesses.
The number of internally displaced persons within Myanmar according to UN and other estimates range from 1,50,000 to 2,00,000. During the height of monsoon weather, some are reportedly without shelter and in urgent need of medical attention or other help. Regardless of orders from higher authorities it is difficult to turn people hit by such distress away from Indian territory .
Chief Minister of Mizoram Mr Zoranthanga has written to Prime Minister, Narendra Modi explaining why states in the Northeast find it difficult not to shelter the fleeing Burmese people on their territory. Most local tribes are spread across both sides of the international border between India and Myanmar and are linked by marital and other ties. As of now, such people are being looked after by state governments in Mizoram , Manipur , Nagaland and elsewhere. A number of local NGOs and other agencies have come forward to help materially. Efforts are on to step up the scale and range of such voluntary assistance.
Naturally NDA leaders cannot officially exercise any hard option-type of solution here. Yet, GOI’s basic concern — the increasing presence and activities of large numbers of Burmese refugees including militants fighting against Naypyidaw authorities whether civil or military for years , creates fresh security issues for the troubled NE states — cannot be dismissed summarily either. (IPA Service)