Elections 2023: Money the irresistible factor

By Albert Thyrniang

Meghalaya is the fifth-poorest state in India and the poorest among the states in North East with 32.65 per cent of its citizens described as multidimensionally poor but 148 out of 293 candidates from major political parties are multi-dimensionally rich (crorepatis). That’s makes for a whopping 50.51 per cent of rich people contesting elections. The ‘Abode of Clouds’ also has the tenth-highest percentage of malnourished people among all the states but all candidates feed crowds of supporters during election trails. Let us continue to enlist the irony.

55.90% of the population (sixth-highest position) in the state have no housing facilities but our candidates have palatial buildings. 29.88% of Meghalaya’s population (second highest) are deprived of assets but the aspiring MLAs possess numerous assets – movable and immovable. 9.10% of population (fourth-highest percentage) have no bank account but the contestants to the Assembly hold multiple accounts. 76 per cent of rural households alone have no land but the aspirant legislators own huge farm lands.

Ri Bhoi is the poorest district (46.31%) but the super-rich business tycoons flock to the district to fight this election and previous elections. The mining-rich twin districts of Jaintia Hills (46.16%), East Garo Hills (41.78%) are the second and third poor, respectively but the districts houses the wealthiest individuals, some of whom have moved to other parts of the state to compete and contest with their cash.

The NPP has emerged as the richest force in this poor state with 75% of its candidates (43 of 57) being crorepatis meaning only 14 of them (25%) are not crorepatis. No wonder the party, according to public confessions, attempted to purchase (and might even have succeeded in some cases) candidates from other parties gifting them at least Rs five crores. The UDP has also grown its riches by notches after being in power for five years. 65% of its candidates (30 out of 40) are proud crore-patis. It is obvious that only 10 of them have not crossed the envious figure. The ‘Drum’ party can no longer accuse national parties of taking its voters to their side by financial attraction. The regional party is second only to its friend, and now foe. in terms of wealth. The Congress has only 42% (25 of 60) because 80 per cent of its candidates are youths and first timers. The TMC, the offshoot of the grand old party, has impressive record of 45% of its candidates (27 of 56) as crorepatis. The BJP is at the bottom with 36% of its candidates (23 of 60) in the crorepati list primarily because the saffron party’s acceptability rate in the Christian majority state is still low.  

The analysis concludes that a whopping 50.51 per cent of Meghalaya candidates are crorepatis. With this sort of record we can say that the most motivating factor in February 27 elections, as it has been in the past, is MONEY. Only the rich can contest and win elections. We have normalised it. Political parties allot tickets to those who can fund their own elections. This is precisely what is politely termed as ‘winnability.’ This is common across the political spectrum. In rallies candidates from different parties accuse each other of using cash to buy voters but the data shows that everyone is the same. All use money to influence voters. Some more some less! Privately, individuals confess they are given cash ranging from Rs. 3000 to Rs 10, 000. The dances, shouts, the songs, frenzy, the tamasha, the festivity in the run up to the voting date are mammon intoxication. Rally attendees are given free rides plus a day’s wage at least. Only rich candidates and political parties can organise massive rallies and exhibit the show of strength. 

This is not democracy. It is a rule by the rich. The story does not end there. The rich do not spend their money for free or for charity. They invest in elections in hopes of gaining more, post victory. They know that politics can be lucrative. Serving the poor is only a lullaby. The primary objective is for self. Take the example of Laitumkhrah MLA Ampareen Lyngdoh whose story came out in the press in 2018. Her wealth swelled over 100 times in 10 years. Even the much maligned Dasakhiatbha Lamare and his family who often boast of being generous with the needy know well that in politics avenues are for the taking to grow even richer. So the PWD (Building) minister and Mawhati ‘deserter’ openly distributed money to families in Nongkrem constituency with the intention of furthering his cause. If politics is not financially lucrative what explains the fact that as many as 375 candidates are vying for a mere 60 seats? 315 (220%) of them will lose. For the five seats in Ri Bhoi 34 are in the fray! If the theory of lucrativeness of politics is wrong then how many have become poorer and remained the same after being an MLA or a minister?

The electorate is to be blamed for the trend. We flock to the rich candidates. The public see elections are a bonanza for freebies, especially cash. A pressure group has complained that no change will take place in the state as long as elections are a tamasha. The voters take money from candidates. Candidates themselves appeal to everyone to pocket the money. They eat and drink. Crowds dance, shouts and sing to their hearts content. Rallies and campaigns turn to a frenzy. The atmosphere is no more a thinking ambience. It is purely emotional. If we exercise our franchise with our emotions rather than with our intelligence, then little good will be expected for our state. The corruption charges against the MDA government and its partners, the various scams during the NPP-led regime, the illegal coal mining and transportation, the killing of ex-HNLC leader (L) Cheristerfield Thangkhiew, CAA, ILP, teachers issues, the border MOU fiasco, the border imbroglio, the protests, the tear gases and the rest are  forgotten. Money is the deciding factor.

Put back the clock to three to four months ago, the NPP was thought to suffer anti-incumbency the most but now the ‘Book’ party is confident of securing a simple majority on March 2. The UDP, the largest coalition partner too is expected not to lose ground on the failure of its Home and Education minister. The same applies to minor allies. They may get away with blaming the NPP though they were part and parcel of the unpopular government. With all the protests post the alleged murder of ‘Bah Che’ one would have thought that the NPP and UDP would stand absolutely no chance in Mawlai, but both are serious contenders. This is because memory is short and real issues are not primary considerations for voters.

Another consideration is election is ideology. This too has taken a back seat. The BJP has made inroads in the state because many are taken up by the development rhetoric of the saffron party.  Its dangerous ideology is overlooked. A few Christian leaders and the faithful have become fans of Narendra Modi. BJP’s ultimate aim is Hindu Rashtra. Its objective is a country purged of secularism; a country of one religion, culture, one language and one law. Hence the pitch for the Uniform Civil Code (UCC)! This core ideology may be side lined and development claims are given prominence. Every government does development. We must certainly see development with one eye. But with the other eye we must keep track of the democratic values like freedom. BJP needs to be wary also because of the RSS and its countless associates. These organisations are anti-minorities including Christians. The recent demand to strip Christians off their ST status in Assam, the numerous atrocities against Christians throughout the country are ample proofs. In spite of all these the BJP might increase their tally and vote share significantly because of the resources that it has at its command. Voters in Meghalaya might fall prey to it. 

All is not lost. There are some really poor candidates like Arbiangkam Khar sohmat from Amlarem of the Congress who has only Rs. 9000, Thosengcheba A. Sangma of Republican Party of India from Raksamgre constitutency who possesses just Rs. 22,000 and eight others who have shown Rs. 50,000 or less in their affidavits. May a couple of them win to demonstrate that the poor too have a place in the world’s largest democracy.

We also see a silver lining in VPP and KAM with their clear visions – fighting corruption and installing a clean government. Both have decried the used of money in election. Both have pledged to fight election on values while not compromising on secularism. Had my vote remained in Laitumkhrah I might have had to wrestle between Avner Pariat and Wanpynhun Kharsyntiew.  Probably the soft spoken but articulate Pariat has an edge. But since I shifted to my birth place, Mawkyrwat, where there is neither VPP nor KAM candidates I will have to keep secularism uppermost in mind. The NPP is cosy with the BJP. It voted for CAA. The regional parties are the same. The message is not to let money decide who you press the button for.