By Albert Thyrniang
The supremo of the Voice of the People’s Party (VPP) and Nongkrem MLA, Arden Miller Basaiawmoit has called off his indefinite hunger strike. The government which had just ten days earlier insisted otherwise had to agree on constituting an expert committee to review the state’s job reservation policy. The ‘Gandhian’ protest and the complete U-turn of the government need a critique.
The VPP was founded on the philosophy of clean politics. Basaiawmoit might have spent the time accorded to him, courtesy the loss in Assembly election of 2018 in soul searching. Returning to the UDP on which ticket he won in 2008 only to be denied the same in 2013 following his suspension was not an option. That the UDP played a role in his defeat in 2018 might have been in Basaiawmoit’s mind. As for the HSPDP the possibility did not arise though the ‘Sing’ (lion) party made the UDP’s rebel its candidate from which he emerged victorious in 2013 and for whom he became the party’s president later. The no-turning back was definite when in 2018, having lost Nongkrem, the party defied his diktat not to join the NPP led government that included the BJP. The clear choice was to float a new political entity. A team of educated citizens came together to form the VPP.
When it did finally take shape, one was impressed by the core ideology of clean politics, the desire to bring about change in the old age creed that elections are fought and won via cash. The think tank of the party that includes academicians know the level of corruption in the state, to the point of normalising it. Hence the challenge was put before the public not to sink in helplessness but to rise above the ashes. The choice of ‘U Prah’ (winnower) as the symbol was a masterstroke. The leadership vowed to clean the system of all dirt just as a winnower separates the paddy or rice form the straw, chaff and other impurities. Besides taking on corruption, prior to the last elections, the party also made amply clear that it would work to put an end to political appointments (wasteful expenditure) and do away with the irritating status symbol of ministers and legislators.
These noble ideals are appealing. The VPP caused a stir winning four seats. Its election song, “Bahdeng Bahnah ha u Prah” was a roaring hit during the campaigning period and lingered on long after the elections were over. School children, colleges and university students jumped and danced to the catchy tune. The VPP did not rest on their laurels but continued the election mode through their membership drives in many parts of Khasi-Jaintia Hills demanding the review of the ‘out-dated’ and ‘unfair’ Reservation Policy besides elucidating its ideology. Basaiawmoit, with his fiery speeches, was applauded by his supporters.
When the government did not concede to their demand the VPP boss announced that he would go for an indefinite hunger strike at the parking lot of the additional secretariat until the government accepts the review ultimatum. A grand success, the ten day long fast pulled bigger and bigger crowds that swelled every day.
A fast is a powerful political tool. From MK Gandhi to Darshan Singh to Potti Sriramulu to K Chandrasekhar Rao to Mamata Banerjee to Anna Hazare, all used the weapon to achieve their goals. The VPP chief too ‘triumphed’ over the government thanks to the media.
However, though they may look like an effective solution resulting from fasts may not be the best because decisions are taken at ransom point. Gandhi’s fasts might have driven the English out too fast leaving the country in a mess including the ugly partition that caused an estimate of a million deaths. We still grapple with the many problems in the North East because the British left without sorting them out. Potti Sriramulu’s 58 days fast and death created Andhra Pradesh but ironically K Chandrasekhar Rao had to resort to the same trick to carve out Telangana many years later. The Trinamool firebrand leader’s fast might have banished the Left from its bastion but West Bengal lost the Tata’s investment that would have boosted employment in the state. Anna Hazare’s fast was a political ploy by Arvind Kejriwal to unseat the Congress. Once he accomplished his goal he got rid of colleagues like Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav.
The VPP’S fast too was a blackmail. It compelled the government to act in a hurry. Before the fast on May 23, the government was adamant it would discuss only the Reservation Roster and not the Reservation Policy itself. The all-party committee on Roster headed by cabinet minister, Ampareen Lyngdoh was formed. The VPP refused to be part of it. With the fast hanging over its head and the massive crowds at the site, by May 29, with barely one sitting, the Committee sought the expansion from the government to widen the purview to include the Job Reservation Policy too. Again after just one meeting the MDA-II government announced to constitute an expert committee to review the 1972 policy. Clearly the government acted under pressure in quick time on a complex issue. This proves that governments act only when pushed to the wall.
The organisers of the solidarity march in Churachandpur that triggered the Manipur mayhem told reporters that the government takes notice only when they turn violent. The callousness of the government to tackle issues in normal circumstances has cause irreversible damage to the state.Tourism minister, Paul Lyngdoh is one of the few who has criticised Basaiawmoit’s tactics. He calls the fast a drama and questions the rationale behind gathering of ordinary people like taxi drivers, petty shop keepers, daily wage earners just three months into the formation of the new government. He charged the VPP of inciting ‘communal hatred’ with the intention of creating mayhem. He insists that once representatives are elected it is their job to govern while the citizens should go about their daily chores. He reminds everyone that 20 years ago he raised the issue while Basaiawmoit said nothing as the president of FKJGP. He asserts that no one has a monopoly over the ‘Jaitbynriew’ (Khasi race). The attack has to do with the long standing personal ego between the two leaders but the communal fissures in the state due to the VPP’s protest are real. The VPP has more than once clarified that it is not against any community but still holds that the reservation policy is unfair to the Khasis.
The VPP is still in election mode. Though Paul’s views that people should remain unaffected after elections are unacceptable yet the VPP should realise that they are no longer a pressure group but a political party that has members in the Legislative Assembly. They have to pay attention to the constituencies they represent. A voter from Mawlai told this writer, “We elected our MLA to solve our problems but he is busy touring the whole state. We can’t meet him. Next time he will lose.”
A lot of prayers were said and hymns sung during the protest days. Basaiawmoit himself proclaimed that he is a religious person. He amply demonstrated that during the ‘historic’ fast. He himself prayed fervently. He credited God for keeping him in good health in spite of consuming nothing except water. He thanked God for making the government comply with the VPP’s demand. If protests took place in Garo Hills where people asked for God’s intervention; the government agreed to maintain the status quo. On whose side is God then? Mixing religion and politics is undesirable. The VPP is anti-BJP for being a ‘Hindu’ party. But is the VPP turning out to be a Christian chauvinistic party? Then there is no difference between VPP and BJP. For votes, the saffron party too vows to be a party with a difference with zero tolerance for corruption but in reality it thrives on majoritarianism and polarisation.
The supreme head of the VPP is certainly Ardent Miller Basaiawmoit. He resembles Arvind Kejriwal. As referred above the APP’s boss does not tolerate personalities who threaten his leadership. Will Basaiawmoit be able to absorb difference if and when they emerge? Has he the capacity to take everyone along? Earlier in his political career, he was a “non-conformist” with the UDP. Ego clashes also led to his exit. He later quit as HSPDP president and resigned from the party when his MLAs disobeyed him. He did not like being among equals. How would Basaiawmoit deal with things when hard days for VPP come by. The ‘decisive and strong leadership’ in the party refers to the head. If it means the kind of Modi’s ‘one man show leadership’ then Meghalaya does not need it.
The VPP has picked the thorny Reservation Policy to popularise itself. Freeing the state from corruption, abolishing the status symbol of netas and saying no to rehabilitation of failed party candidates as political appointees are more important issues.