Tuesday, October 8, 2024
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The Manipur in us

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By Albert Thyrniang

Inhuman and barbaric stories continue to emerge from strife torn Manipur. The parading of two women in public before the gang-rape of one of them, the burning alive of the wife of a freedom fighter inside her house and the beheading of a man are a few unimaginable incidents that Manipur tells. These add to the mob’s burning of a child, his mother and an attendant inside an ambulance. More and more inhumane incidents are expected to flow into the media space in the days and months to come. The prestige of Manipur is tarnished forever. The reputation of the multi-ethnic state is totally altered.

The four men who have been belatedly arrested (and those who may be apprehended later) following the national and international outrage may be villains but the unpopular chief minister is the first to be called out. Definitely he knew the details of the ghastly act much earlier but he refused to move a finger. He did not direct the police to act as per the law. The topmost government executives in Delhi too were aware of the rape of the wife of a Kargil veteran. The prime minister, Narendra Modi conveniently spoke only after the video of humiliation of the three women had been viewed by millions. The PM does not mind using the armed forces and freedom fighters for political mileage but doesn’t care when spouses of war heroes face the humiliating ordeal and when they are charred to death.

Following the indignant viral video of stripped Kuki victims, women calmly torched the house of the accused. It is clear now that the state is totally lawless. The masked women ‘punished’ the rapists but ironically they prevented security forces from carrying out their duties. They even forced the Army to release 12 nabbed militants of the banned Kanglei Yawol Kunna Lup (KYKL), including the mastermind of Chandel ambush in 2015 in which 18 soldiers died and 15 others wounded. The Assam Rifles had to release a video entitled, “Being humane is not weakness.”

The violence in the north eastern state is ‘identified’ as an ethnic clash between the Meiteis and the Kukis. A religious angle too is highly suspected. The Mizoram Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) vice-president, R. Vanramchhuanga knew it well and hence resigned from the party accusing the central and state governments of tacit support in the burning down of churches in the chaotic state.

The genesis of the Manipur mayhem is attributed to the judgement of the Manipur High Court directing the state government to take steps towards recognition of the Meiteis as a tribal group and the false narrative of the presence of a large number of illegal immigrants from Myanmar among the Kukis. Credible estimates reveal the number to be a miniscule number of 2000. The real cause could be the exclusive mind-set of a section of people. It could be this jingoism that led to the ‘cleansing’ of a tribe. It could be this chauvinism that says that Manipur, and especially the Imphal valley should be essentially meant for the majority community, that burned and is still burning Manipur. There is nothing wrong in loving one’s own people and being proud of one’s own race, culture and history but ethnic chauvinism is dangerous. It could be this extremism that killed 150 people, burned down thousands of homes and destroyed 250-300 churches, looted properties and drove away a whole community from the valley. It could be a fundamentalist patriotism that is a driving force for the arson and riots for nearly three months.

The Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun were created to protect the culture and identity of the Meitei. They have every right to do so not at the cost of others. Allegations are rife that these groups have turned militant. They undergo arms training. They stand accused of carrying out much of the pre-planned violence.

There are also allegations that the Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun are creations of the The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The RSS is supposed to be a Hindu social and cultural organisation – an umbrella body consisting of organisations called the Sangh Parivar. So far so good but this progenitor is a right-wing Hindu nationalist organisation that propagates the establishment of a Hindu Rashtra or a Hindu nation. The vision of this organisation, which draws fascist movements, is that this nation is primarily and essentially meant for Hindus. Others may exist but with merely subservient roles. It is the RSS which has been insisting that all Indians are Hindus. The ideology of this Sangh which played no role in the Indian independence movement is divisive and exclusive. Its affiliates too spread hate and spew venoms.

The RSS played a key role in the demolition of Babri Masjid. Top functionaries of the RSS, VHP and the Bajrang Dal are accused of carrying out the 2002 Gujarat carnage ‘with the knowledge and sanction of the state authorities’. In other riots as well the radical groups are accused of being involved. It will not be a surprise if the Manipur violence is proven to be linked to the RSS. It will not be a shock if sections in Manipur were influenced by the organisation that was banned after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi and the demolition of Babri Masjid, to carry out the Manipur violence.

There could be ‘Manipur’ in us too. As stated earlier love for one’s tribe/race, culture, history and identity is appreciated but the misplaced form is dangerous. Tamilians may say, “Tamil Nadu is only for Tamils”, “Maharashtra is meant for Maharashtrians”, “Gujarat is for Gujaratis”,“Bengal is only for Bengalis”,“Assam only for Assamese”, et cetera.

We could also be saying “Khasi Hills is only for the Khasis”, “Garo Hills is for the Garos”, “Nagaland for the Nagas”, “Mizoram for the Mizos” and so on. This extremism could lead to hatred and intolerance. That is unacceptable. It is in this context that the ‘para Khasi’ (among Khasis only) slogans of Ardent Basaiawmoit is frightening.

These days we are witnessing the indefinite fast of Achik Conscious Holistically Integrated Krima (ACHIK) demanding the retrospective implementation of the roster system from 1972 and establishment of a winter capital at Tura. These demands have widened the gaps between Khasi-Jaintia Hills and Garo Hills. Khasi Hills groups have opposed the ACHIK’s demands. But the Garo Hills pressure groups have the right to protest just as their eastern counterparts have. Even the political party VPP went on a fast. The government obliged VPP’s request in quick time. Why should the ACHIK’s not be heard?

The demand for the review of the reservation policy is seen to be benefiting the Khasi-Jaintia community at the cost of the Garo community. The rhetoric by VPP and pressure groups are in this direction. The ACHIK actions are viewed exactly the opposite. Fissures and ill feelings are bound to surface. Extreme ethnic sentiments may develop if we are not careful. If we think that the demands are justified only democratic means should be employed without any hatred for the other. No vilifying and degrading language should be used. Unfortunately in Manipur Kukis and other tribal groups are condescendingly called ‘tribals.’ Under no circumstance should Meghalaya turn into Manipur.

The ‘Manipur’ sentiment prevails in religions here in Meghalaya too. It is an unstated fact now that in Shillong diocese only a Khasi bishop is acceptable. In Nongstoin diocese only a priest from the region can be the head. In Jowai diocese only a Pnar is welcome. Additionally only from a group of priests can bishops be selected. This extreme concept has perhaps extended to all the dioceses in the North East. Is this the real face of the church? Is this the spirit of the church? The universality and oneness of the church is only in documents. It must be pointed out that by and large the lay faithful are not touched by the narrow outlook.

Religious groups too are not free from the counter-witness attitude. A particular tribal group may claim that a particular region is exclusively meant for them. This tendency has crept in and will have a detrimental effect. The ‘Manipur’ mind-set of a few has played havoc in the former princely state. We too may not be innocent of it.

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