By Bhogtoram Mawroh
On the issue of migrant labourers entering the state without a ‘work permit’, the recent discussion held between the Khasi Students’ Union (KSU) and Chief Minister Conrad K. Sangma failed to arrive at a consensus. After the meeting KSU vowed that they will continue with their drive against “illegal immigrants” raising concerns as to the safety of the migrant labourers in the state. In the meeting, the Chief Minister reiterated that there is no provision in the law, i.e., the Interstate Migrant Workers Act of 2020, for a ‘work permit. It only talks about registration. Paul Lyngdoh, the tourism minister and former KSU president, had informed the same thing a few days ago. The KSU, on the other hand, pointed out the loopholes in the Act, but gave no clarification in the press as to whether they had misread the Act regarding their claim of a ‘work permit’. Maybe they clarified on some other platform, but if they did not, the press should have asked the KSU if the entire issue is based on a misunderstanding of the law. Does it mean that the verification drive could have been avoided? Of course not! A similar drive would have still happened under another guise, as the underlying issue of ‘illegal immigration’ is still not resolved. However, this is a claim that, although it enjoys widespread support among the local populace, is not based on facts.
Based on media reports, it was revealed the people assaulted during KSU’s ‘work permit’ verification drive were from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Nepal. These people are not illegal immigrants. They are similar to the Khasis, who have also migrated to different parts of the country looking for a better opportunity. Unlike the Khasis, though, they are prohibited from owning any land in the state, and they have to register themselves under the Interstate Migrant Workers Act of 2020 or obtain a trading license if they want to do business. These are constitutional measures that are perfectly legal. But hindering their movement and assaulting them are illegal. This fear of ‘illegal immigrants’ is rooted in the prospect of migrants overwhelming the local population, like it has happened in Tripura. There is no doubt that, as a small indigenous community, there is a need to be vigilant. But it is not the same thing as being paranoid, something that is a feature of the jaidbynriew politics in the state.
Since the 1970s, the non-indigenous (i.e., migrant) population of the state has been experiencing a continuous decline. It was around 20% of the total population in 1971, and now it has come down to 13%. This is because they are constrained by various restrictive laws, like the Sixth Schedule, which doesn’t allow them to buy land and the need to get a trading license, which, in recent times, has become a tool for harassment. While talking to the press, the KSU complained that despite these protective measures, certain areas in the city, like Laban and Pynthorumkhrah, have been overrun by the non-indigenous population. Nongmynsong is also made part of such claims from time to time. However, these claims, like the claim of uncontrolled ‘illegal immigration’, are not backed by any evidence. Census reports have instead revealed that the ST population has been increasing in these areas. The ST population in Pynthorumkhrah has gone up from 34% in 1981 to 54% in 2011, while in Nongmynsong, it also went up from 38% in 2001 to 51% in 2011. Laban is part of the municipality, which has also seen a rise in the ST population, increasing from 36% in 1971 to 51% in 2011. So, instead of people illegally entering the state, there has been a steady outmigration from the state.
The demand for ILP to counter the threat of ‘illegal immigration’ has been going on for many decades. But, like discussed above, there is no evidence to back the claim. The non-indigenous population is growing, but it is the natural process of people getting married and having children. In fact, Meghalaya has one of the highest fertility rates (combining both indigenous and non-indigenous) in the country. It has to be acknowledged, though, that the CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act) does create some complications and is a potential threat, despite the state having been left out of its implementation. The claim of illegal immigrants entering the state, however, predates the CAA, which means that it is a deeply held belief. That’s what paranoia is all about—a delusional belief that one is being persecuted, harassed, or betrayed by others without any evidence.
At the same time, what is not being acknowledged is the fact that migration has been beneficial for the state’s economy. It is migrant labour that has built a lot of the infrastructure in the state. While I partly agree with Paul Lyngdoh that migrant labourers are coming to Meghalaya because locals are not willing to join the labour workforce, it is not just the ‘work culture’ among the locals that is the problem here. Meghalaya is a labour-deficit state. Without migrant labourers, it is impossible to build the quality infrastructure needed to either support local economic activities and/or attract investment into the state. Without investments, it will be difficult to create decent jobs for the growing number of educated youths, unless they want to work in construction sites in place of the migrant laborers. Is that what they and their parents want? All labour is dignified, but no one wants to sleep in waterlogged conditions with no proper accommodation while being exploited by the contractors and made to work under stressful conditions without any concern for health and safety. I actually have a personal story to share about this.
A few years ago, when I was studying at the university, one of my juniors approached me one afternoon. There was a lot of construction happening on campus, with the labourers coming predominantly from the eastern parts of the country. He told me that one of the labourers, who happened to come from the same state as him, had approached him, begging him to help him get out of Shillong. There was blood coming out of his anus, and he had told the contractor about it. But instead of taking him to the doctor, the contractor assaulted him and forced him to continue working. I asked my junior to tell the labourer to gather his things and hide behind one of the buildings. I hired a car, got him inside, and hid him while we drove to the sumo stand. We bought a ticket for him and bid him goodbye. He was very emotional and relieved to have escaped the ordeal. But it’s not just the migrant labourers who are exploited. After I left the university, I worked with Thma U Rangli-Juki (TUR) on organizing the security guards, all of whom were Khasis. These security guards were getting paid very little and had to sleep on the cold floor in the winters. One particular incident that I always remember is a meeting with the security guards. In that meeting, an agent of the contractor tried to dissuade the security guards from forming a union. She claimed that the contractor was a kind person and had supported her on many occasions. Later, this woman became an important member of a pressure group, which became well known for a couple of years. As for the security guards, they formed the union and were able to demand higher salaries and better working conditions.
Migrant labourers are vulnerable to harassment and exploitation. But being poor, they have to endure all hardships in order to make a living. This actually ends up benefiting the local economy in which they are based. Migrant workers will save a large portion of their money to send back home. But they will still spend some money on rent, food, and other essential items. This creates demand for goods and services in the local market, boosting sales, which brings increased income for local businesses. This helps in the expansion of the markets, creating more opportunities for new businesses and expanding existing ones by hiring more people. More business means more revenue collection for the government. This in turn means more financial resources to spend on public goods, like improving health, education, and other services. In fact, this growth in business is also good for those who are engaged in extortion from business establishments, especially those owned by non-indigenous persons. More profit means that such groups can demand more contributions. This ill-gotten wealth can then be used by members and leaders of such groups to amass more assets, especially to buy more property, which benefits land agents as well. It’s another matter that this might lead to the landlessness of the local population. Still, whether it is through legal or illegal means, more business means a greater number of people stand to gain. Almost everyone wins.
The pressure groups have been demanding that the government implement ILP and MRSSA (Meghalaya Residents Safety and Security Act) in the state. This, like the ‘work permit’ issue, is also confusing. Like the Chief Minister clarified, how can you implement something that is not yet a law? Even if the Union Government approves the implementation of the ILP and MRSSA in the state, I am supremely confident that the issue of illegal immigration will not go away. The demand was never based on facts but on a deep-seated fear that will not be removed so easily. A way out of this quagmire of fear and confusion is for the economy to grow, allowing people to get decent jobs for themselves and their loved ones so that they can live with respect and dignity. Maybe the feeling of ‘victimhood’ will finally disappear. However, that will not happen if the paranoia that is leading to these outbursts of violence every now and then is not brought to an end. It’s like the infinite loop a friend shared: the road is bad, people go on hunger strike demanding road repair, labourers are sent to repair the road, people beat up labourers, and it starts all over again.
We have been living with paranoia for the last 50 years. Maybe we will live with it for another 50 years? Although, I am not sure how this is helping our loved ones create better lives for themselves. The question to be asked is whether we really want things to change. If we don’t want it, let’s make peace with it. If nothing else, at least we will have peace.
(The views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not reflect in any way his affiliation to any organisation or institution)