By Bhogtoram Mawroh
Because of its size and location, whatever happens in Assam is bound to have serious repercussions on the surrounding states, all of which are predominantly inhabited by indigenous groups—either tribal (such as Kuki-Chin-Mizo) or non-tribal (such as the Meitei)—or once had a large tribal population, as with Tripura, where the indigenous community has become a minority because of migration from former East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The eviction happening there has got the state and non-state actors in Meghalaya to become extra wary of non-indigenous individuals entering the state. This is coming when the international border with Bangladesh is also in a volatile state.
Recently, some criminals from Bangladesh had attacked a Garo village in South West Khasi Hills. There have been skirmishes reported from other parts of the state as well. On the 18th of August, the KSU staged a sit-in protest at Khyndai Lad, in front of the old Assembly building to press both the central and state governments to take urgent and decisive action against the unchecked influx of illegal immigrants into the region. This was, as reported by the papers, part of a coordinated demonstration across capitals of the northeastern states, resolved during a recent meeting of the North East Students’ Organisation (NESO) held in Guwahati on August 6. Illegal immigration has been a very volatile political subject in the state for a very long time, with things deteriorating in 2019 when protesters were tear-gassed and lathi-charged by the police after they reportedly threw stones at the police near the Raj Bhavan. Realising the situation was out of control, the government introduced a resolution on implementing the ILP in the state, which was passed by consensus. However, it is now more than half a decade and the demand lies with the Union Government, which has shown no inclination to accept the demand. In the meantime, the situation in Assam and internationally is only adding to the fear of the indigenous people in the state. This is although Census data for the last 50 years has shown that the non-indigenous population of the state has been experiencing a steady decline. But the current situation where suspected or confirmed illegal immigrants are getting arrested either coming into the state or looking to use the state as transit to go into other parts of the country, is only confirming the popular suspicion that indigenous community of the state is under existential threat.
A similar sentiment also exists in Assam, which is being used by the BJP government to evict people from especially forest lands, claiming them to be encroachers. The targets of such encroachments have mostly been Bengali Muslims, targeted for many years as being illegal Bangladeshis. But of course, they are not the only ones. In order to identify illegal immigrants, Assam conducted the NRC (National Register of Citizens), which came up with a figure of 40 lakhs who have doubtful citizenship. What was intriguing about this number is that 30% of these are Bengali Hindus, who under the CAA, in principle, though illegal, will get citizenship. This is not acceptable to the many groups in Assam and the region, who don’t want any illegal immigrants to get citizenship. To put things in perspective, the government will probably grant citizenship to more illegal immigrants i.e., Bengali Hindus, than the entire Garo population, and the number almost equals the Khasi population. It’s like giving half of Meghalaya to illegal immigrants based on their religious affiliation.
The fear that indigenous people have of being marginalised comes not only from illegal Bangladeshis but from migrants coming from outside the region, and sometimes even from other indigenous groups they perceive are encroaching on their territory. An excellent example of this is the illegal occupation of Kheroni PGR (Professional Grazing Reserve) and VGR (Village Grazing Reserve) lands by migrants from Bihar and UP in Karbi Anglong. In 2024, the Karbi civil society groups staged a protest against the Hindi-speaking population for illegally occupying indigenous lands. During one such protest, a group of Hindi speakers attacked the Karbi volunteers in Kheroni, West Karbi Anglong district. This led to the shutdown of all the major towns in the District with the Karbi groups demanding the immediate eviction of the illegal Hindi-speaking settlers from the lands occupied by them.
Rokibuz Zaman’s story, ‘Why tribal groups in Assam’s Karbi hills are demanding the eviction of Hindi speakers’, in Scroll is a well-researched report on the issue. In it, Jemson Timung, a leader of Karbi Students’ Association, stated that “Karbi Anglong is a Sixth Schedule area, and only tribal individuals have the right to acquire land. We will not allow any Bihari illegal settler to acquire land under the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council”.
Another Karbi leader, Chandra Kanta Terang, who heads the Autonomous State Demand Committee, expressed frustration that “The Karbis were beaten up in their own home, while trying to protect our ancestral land from outsiders”. Holiram Terang, veteran Karbi politician and a member of Karbi civil society groups, also alleged that, “After the BJP government came to power in the Centre and state, some of these people have become very aggressive, socially and culturally. I won’t be surprised if the RSS is pushing them to demand land rights.” Rachnatmak Nonia Sanyukta Sangh (RNSS), an organisation claiming to represent the interests of Hindi-speaking communities, countered these allegations. They met President Droupadi Murmu in Shillong with a memorandum and asked her to intervene for the “protection of land rights of settlers on VGR/PGR land in Karbi Anglong.”
Tuliram Ronghang, the Chief Executive Member, Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council, appeared to agree with the demand of the Karbi group when he stated that “The eviction is not directed against any community. It would be carried out against all communities which are encroaching on these lands as per the SC order.” But it was delayed for a month because of the Lok Sabha elections. Once that caveat was in place, it became clear that the eviction would not happen. The Hindi-speaking people living in that area have predominantly voted for the BJP, and it is unthinkable that the party would allow their eviction. And surely enough in January 2025, fresh protests erupted in Karbi Anglong, as the KSA (Karbi Students Association) and its allies demanded the eviction of the illegal Hindi-speaking occupants from the PGR and VGR lands. While the current eviction in Dhubri and other locations is going on, groups in Karbi Anglong are asking why the same is not happening in Karbi Anglong.
Being a Bengali Muslim does not automatically make someone an illegal Bangladeshi. And Bangladeshis are not the group that pose a threat to the rights of the indigenous people in the Northeast. What is interesting to note is that the June 2025 ‘Geological Survey of India (GSI) Handbook on Geological Potential of Northeast India: A hidden trove of mineral prospect beneath majestic landscape’ had estimated that the Chandardinga area in Dhubri district had an estimated iron ore deposit of 18.29 million tonnes. How much of the eviction that is happening in Dhubri is more about clearing the land for corporate control for resource extraction and less about removing illegal immigrants?
Furthermore, recent shocking news revealed that the Gauhati High Court was shocked that someone gave nearly 3000 bighas (between 400-800 hectares depending on the unit of measurement) of land to a private cement company, Mahabal Cements, for mining in the tribal district of Dima Hasao in Assam, a Sixth Schedule area. The lawyer arguing the case for the company explained that the land is under lease and the area is mostly barren. Justice Medhi sarcastically retorted that everyone knows how much barren land there is in North Cachar Hills. The barren lands are most probably jhum fallows maintained by the indigenous Dimasa farmers.
Even if someone were to agree that the people being evicted in Assam are illegal immigrants, they will also agree that it is being done to shore up support for the BJP for the upcoming Assembly elections. The frustrating part is that the ploy might actually work and the party will come back to power. But they will not be able to extinguish so soon the fire that they have lit where they are trying to pit indigenous peoples against the Bengali Muslims. When the Bodos and the Karbis and other indigenous groups in Assam and the region fought for autonomy, they did not fight to share it with others, whether they were illegal Bangladeshis or migrants from the mainland. The continuing conflict in Manipur is a testament that it can be between two indigenous groups as well, and the outcome can be horrifying. Meghalaya will not be untouched by all this, and this is what should worry us all.
(The views expressed in the article are those of the author and do not reflect in any way his affiliation to any organisation or institution)